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Showing posts with label school integration. Show all posts
Showing posts with label school integration. Show all posts

Saturday, August 5, 2017

The NYC Department of Education Has Not Provided Librarians To 87% of Harlem Schools, Says the NY POST

Just a few weeks ago NYC Chancellor Carmen Farina was tooting her horn over a "new policy" of integration, wasn't she?

Diversity in Admissions in New York City Will Bring Integration to the City's Public Schools....or Not



I guess the "new policy" does not include Harlem.

Betsy Combier

DOE fails to provide Harlem schools with librarians: activists
NYPOST, Sue Edelman, August 4, 2017


School librarians are all but ­extinct in Harlem.
The Department of Education has failed to provide librarians at 87 percent of Harlem schools that are legally required to staff them, according to a group of activists.
State education law mandates that schools serving kids in grades seven to 12 must have a librarian on staff to develop research skills.
“In a secondary school with an enrollment of more than 700 but less than 1,000 pupils, a certified school library media specialist shall devote the entire school day to school library work,” the law states. For schools with less than 700 kids, a part-time librarian is required.
The Harlem Council of Elders, a community advocacy group, said that requirement goes all but ignored in their schools — and that 10,000 mostly black and Latino students are suffering for it.
“This is crucial for their education,” said Diane Tinsley of Community Education Council 5. “They don’t have this fundamental skill — how to research. This is something kids in other areas know how to do because they have those resources.”
Citing DOE data, CEC 5 found that 40 of the 46 schools in five Harlem districts that qualified for librarian staffing didn’t have one.
In District 4, not a single school requiring the presence of a librarian staffed one.
Tinsley said Harlem students are receiving diplomas but end up lost at the collegiate level without some of the skills that a librarian could help to impart.
“They jump into college without these basic skills,” she said. “A lot of them end up taking remedial classes and having to use up their financial aid to do so. It’s a serious problem and no one seems to want to do anything about it.”
The DOE suggested Friday that there’s a shortage of certified librarians to staff city schools.
“While there are challenges in identifying and hiring library media specialists in New York City and across the state, we’ll continue our investments in libraries and students’ reading skills,” said DOE spokesman Will Mantell.
Mantell said that the DOE would be placing “reading coaches” in District 5 and 6 elementary schools but did not cite any imminent plans for the secondary school librarian drought.
The Harlem Council of Elders blasted the lack of a specific plan and said that their patience is wearing thin.
“This discriminatory practice is shameful, illegal, and must end immediately,” the group said.

Sunday, June 11, 2017

New York City Department of Education Chancellor Carmen Farina Unveils a New Plan: Integration

Oh - NOW Chancellor Carmen Farina says the integration of the NYC Department of Education is something she has believed in all her life?

From the Daily News article below:

“This is something I’ve believed in all my life,” Fariña told The News exclusively on Tuesday. “And I think having it on paper, where people can see it and the vocabulary is the same for everyone, is very important.”

Then why has she waited so long to talk and do something about the wide-spread segregation and disparate treatment of minority children? See Carmen's face in the photo below that's what she really believes. Nothing.

Long-Awaited Plan for Integrating Schools Proves Mostly Small-Bore


Mayor Bill de Blasio and the schools chancellor, Carmen Fariña, in February. On Tuesday, a principal critical
of their new plan to increase diversity in public schools said, “It’s not a plan to integrate the schools.”
Most people involved in the NYC DOE no longer find Carmen credible. I certainly don't.

Betsy Combier
betsy.combier@gmail.com

New York City unveils plan to improve diversity in public schools
Ben Chapman, NY Daily News, June 7, 2017

Carmen Farina
Education officials on Tuesday revealed a master plan to integrate city schools that includes everything from enrollment targets to ways to make it easier for busy families to apply to sought-
after schools.

In a 12-page report, the Education Department detailed how it will expand desegregation programs already in place at some schools to bring in more kids from underrepresented communities.

On Monday, the department exclusively told the Daily News another pillar of the plan is to enroll more black and Hispanic kids in elite high schools.

The city’s new program seeks to ease barriers faced by families looking to enroll children in public schools by:

* Eliminating requirements to attend school open houses.

* Posting applications online.

* Boosting school programs that set enrollment targets for demographic groups by expanding them to privately run prekindergarten programs.

* Launching a web page to share information and resources related to diversity efforts.

* Opening 15 new schools or programs over the next three years that have specific plans to serve diverse populations.

By 2021, Schools Chancellor Carmen Fariña wants 50,000 more kids enrolled in schools with student bodies that reflect the system’s overall racial makeup.

Currently, there are about 300,000 kids enrolled in such schools, Education Department officials said, of 1.1 million students systemwide.

The Education Department is clarifying the city’s mission to support “learning environments that reflect the diversity of New York City” and establishing an advisory board to issue recommendations on how to desegregate the schools.

Schools in New York suffer from the worst racial segregation of any state, with city schools earning similarly dismal marks for diversity, according to a 2014 report published by the Civil Rights Project at UCLA.

But Fariña, who’s worked in city schools for five decades, said she’s proud of the new plan that’s intended to serve as a roadmap to diversify classrooms.

“This is something I’ve believed in all my life,” Fariña told The News exclusively on Tuesday. “And I think having it on paper, where people can see it and the vocabulary is the same for everyone, is very important.”

Fariña and Mayor de Blasio have been under fire to develop a plan to desegregate the public schools since the landmark UCLA study was published three years ago.

Influential figures such as NAACP New York State Conference President Hazel Dukes praised aspects of the plan, but other local leaders slammed it for doing too little.

“It’s a bunch of gobbledegook,” said Mona Davids, president of the New York City Parents Union. “If the mayor and chancellor really wanted to address the problem, they would start by eliminating school zones and creating enrollment lotteries for every school that has more applications than seats.”

Success Academy charter school founder Eva Moskowitz ripped the plan for failing to mention charter schools, which enroll about 10% of city students.

“It’s disappointing that the mayor is ignoring the role that charters can play,” Moskowitz said.

In answering critics of his efforts on school integration, Mayor Bill de Blasio, a Democrat, has largely blamed New York City’s residential patterns for the problem, because most children go to elementary school near their homes.

But District 1, which includes parts of the Lower East Side and the East Village, is different. There, families choose where their children will go to elementary school, and in 2016, 84 percent of families got one of their top three choices for kindergarten.

But their choices still added up to segregation.

Though the elementary school population is roughly half Hispanic, with the other 50 percent close to evenly divided among black, white and Asian children, few schools reflect that distribution. White families largely cluster in a handful of schools with a progressive bent. A school with a Mandarin-English dual language program is 71 percent Asian. At four of the district’s 16 elementary schools, at least 90 percent of the students are black or Hispanic. Those schools lag far behind the district average in performance.

A group of educators and parent leaders has been pushing the city’s Education Department to let the district adopt a system called “controlled choice,” which takes into account families’ preferences, but also factors like socioeconomic status, with the goal of making each school reflect the demographics of the district. In 2015 District 1 got a federal grant to develop a new admissions policy, but work appears to have stalled, in part because of clashes between parent leaders, who want quick action, and city officials, who have been taking a more cautious approach.

In the diversity plan released by the city on Tuesday, the department says it will work with District 1 to create “a districtwide equitable admissions model” in time for the 2018-19 school year.

Some in District 1, like Naomi Peña, 37, a parent who is a member of the district’s Community Education Council, think the department has been afraid of alienating rich white parents who, as she said at a recent council meeting, might “lawyer up” if their preferences were blocked.

But as the city proposes to move forward on desegregation, conversations with dozens of District 1 parents of all races over the past few months suggest that it is not only wealthier white parents who might be disappointed by their assignments under a new system, at least in the beginning. Parents choose schools for a constellation of reasons, including the simplicity of going to a nearby school, a preference for a certain educational approach, or a desire to see faces similar to their own in classrooms and at parent-teacher association meetings.

For many, the choice comes down to feeling at home at a school. Nancy Zhang sends her two children to Public School 184, the Shuang Wen School, the district’s majority-Asian elementary school. She and another Chinese-American mother said they feared their children would be bullied at other schools in the district. But more than that, Ms. Zhang said, “here I feel and also the kids feel more comfortable.”

When Rita LaRosa was looking at schools for her daughter, she visited two that share a building on East Third Street. At the S.T.A.R. Academy, which takes a traditional approach, 84 percent of the students are black or Hispanic, and the same portion qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. At the Neighborhood School, which has a progressive philosophy, close to half the students are white, and just 39 percent qualify for free or reduced-price lunch.

Ms. LaRosa, 44, chose S.T.A.R. “In S.T.A.R. Academy, I feel like my voice is heard,” said Ms. LaRosa, who is Hispanic. When she interacts with Neighborhood School parents, she said, “I feel like I have to talk a certain way or express myself a certain way, because I feel like I’m being judged.”

In contrast, Ella and Brett Leitner, who are both white, gravitated toward the Neighborhood School, where students call teachers by their first names and have a say in deciding whether the class will study, say, the civil rights movement or the debate over the Dakota Access pipeline.

“For us the social-emotional piece was such an important metric of what made a school good,” said Ms. Leitner, 43. If they had not been able to choose a progressive school, she said, they might have tried to get a scholarship at a private school or sent their children to a traditional school and pushed for a more progressive curriculum.

The district started the progressive schools in the late 1980s and early ’90s, in an effort to stanch a steady loss of students from the district, mostly to District 2. (It also allowed students from outside the district to enroll, and today 30 percent of elementary school students live elsewhere.) Hispanic, black and Asian families apply to the progressive schools at lower rates than whites, and the schools are all whiter than the district as a whole, with fewer low-income students.

Bradley Goodman, the principal of the East Village Community School, said the imbalance was “something that we’ve been thinking about and talking about for a long time and wanting to address.” His school is 55 percent white. He and the other principals from progressive schools have been part of a diversity initiative that let them set aside a certain number of seats for students who qualify for free or reduced-price lunch or who are still learning English. The four schools met their targets this year, though both Mr. Goodman’s school and the Neighborhood School made offers to several families who ranked their school as a fourth, fifth or even sixth choice, while turning away other families who ranked it first. But drawing more black and Hispanic parents may be tough.

Over time, parents’ choices can solidify into a school being known as a “white school” or a Hispanic one, said Amy Stuart Wells, a professor of sociology and education at the Teachers College at Columbia. That identity becomes self-perpetuating. “When you ask parents to make choices within a segregated system, they choose segregation,” she said, “because they don’t want to be the only family or just a handful of families that go against that.”

Sade Scroggins, 29, has a son in second grade at P.S. 64, the Robert Simon School, which shares a building with the progressive Earth School. P.S. 64 is 85 percent black or Hispanic, and 93 percent of students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. The Earth School is 48 percent black or Hispanic, and 46 percent of students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch.

Ms. Scroggins had friends who sent their children to P.S. 64, and through them she had gotten to know some staff members. But when she came to register her son for kindergarten, she said, she walked into the building’s entrance on Avenue B, which is used by the Earth School. Ms. Scroggins, who is black, recalled being charmed by the art on the walls.

“It looked kind of, like, village-y,” she said. “It was like walking into a futuristic type of school, just the paintings and the art and the animals.”

But when she got to the office and asked for P.S. 64, they referred her to the office next door.

Did she consider registering her child at the Earth School instead?

No, she said. “I didn’t know anybody who had a child who was in the Earth School,” she explained. “Everybody that I know had their children in 64.”

Lilah Mejia’s three younger children started in the fall at the Children’s Workshop School, another progressive school, which has managed to draw a sizable number of Hispanic families.

Ms. Mejia, 39, said she loved the topics that her children were learning about, but was concerned that they were not getting much homework and that the teachers were not correcting their grammar and spelling. She said her first grader’s teacher had explained that she did not correct students’ grammar because she wanted them to just write. “I love the teacher, she’s amazing,” Ms. Mejia said. But, she added, “I was just a bit taken aback by that, because that’s not how I was raised.”

Ms. Peña, from the education council, said she looked at one of the progressive schools for her youngest children, who are twins. But she decided against it because she felt that her family would not fit in. “No parent wants their child to be the only black or brown child in the classroom,” she said. “And parents don’t want to walk in having to defend their background, their language, their culture to other parents.”

Her twins now go to P.S. 20, the Anna Silver School, which is roughly half Hispanic, a little more than a third Asian, 8 percent black and 4 percent white. It has both Spanish and Mandarin dual-language programs. While it does not perfectly replicate the district’s racial breakdown, its population does reflect the district’s economic diversity.

“It’s a really nice window of what the perfect school should look like, in my opinion,” Ms. Peña said. She said her daughter had a good friend who was of Chinese descent. “That’s exactly what I want for her,” she said. “Some people may look like her, but she’s also friends with people who don’t look like her. It’s really comforting.”

Jonathan Wolfe and Yuhan Liu contributed reporting.

Wednesday, May 24, 2017

Some of New York City Schools are The Most Segregated in the United States.

All you have to do is read the first sentence in the Chalkbeat article posted below, to know whether the Mayor and Chancellor of NYC have succeeded in their mandate to provide a free and appropriate public school education to kids in the New York City school district. They have failed. ,,,,,,at least to the most vulnerable, the poor, and black/hispanic/other children. New York City schools are the most segregated in the United States.

Shame on both of you. Do something big, now. Make a difference.

Betsy Combier
Editor, NYC Rubber Room Reporter
Editor, Parentadvocates.org
Editor, New York Court Corruption
Editor, National Public Voice
Editor, NYC Public Voice
Editor, Inside 3020-a Teacher Trials

NYC middle schools, pre-Ks meet diversity targets — and more high schools join initiative to spur integration
By Christina Veiga         @CVEIGA         CVEIGA@CHALKBEAT.ORG    
New York City middle schools participating in an admissions program designed to encourage integration met their targets in making offers to incoming students, Chalkbeat has learned.
Additionally, two more high schools will join the Diversity in Admissions pilot, bringing the total to 21 participating schools — still a tiny fraction of the roughly 1,800 schools across the city.
This is the third school year that principals could apply to the program, which allows schools to set aside a percentage of seats for students who meet certain criteria, such as qualifying for free or reduced-price lunch, which is often used as a measure of poverty. In some schools, only a sliver of seats are set aside; at others, it’s more than half.
Mayor Bill de Blasio and schools Chancellor Carmen Fariña have come under increasing pressure to spur integration in city schools, which are some of the most segregated in the country. While the education department has been eager to tout the Diversity in Admissions program, many activists have criticized the approach as piecemeal, calling instead for wider-scale approaches. The city has promised a broader plan by June, and the chancellor recently hinted that changes to high school admissions could be a part of the proposal.
The four middle schools in the diversity program all met — or surpassed — their set-aside targets in making offers to incoming students, according to data provided by the education department. However, it’s not guaranteed that all students who are offered admission will actually enroll.
Two of the participating middle schools are in Brooklyn’s District 15, where parents and Councilman Brad Lander have called for enrollment changes. At M.S. 839, 42 percent of offers went to students who qualify for free or reduced-price lunch. At the Math & Science Exploratory School, 30 percent of offers did.
Two high schools will join the Diversity in Admissions program for the 2017-18 enrollment cycle: Williamsburg High School for Architecture and Design in Brooklyn, and Academy for Careers in Television and Film in Queens. Both will set aside 63 percent of seats for students who qualify for free lunch — a higher threshold of need. Currently, 83 percent of students at Williamsburg High School qualify for free or reduced-price lunch (rates for only free lunch were not immediately available). Only about 50 percent of students at Academy for Careers in Television and Film qualify for free lunch, according to Principal Edgar Rodriguez.
Rodriguez said he has seen the school’s population slowly change since it opened almost a decade ago. Television and Film was a Title I school when it launched, meaning enough students were poor to qualify for additional federal funding. The school has since lost that status, and Rodriguez said joining the Diversity in Admission pilot will help preserve economic diversity.
“We work very hard, in the four years we have students with us, to provide them a space that gives them a sense of the real world,” he said. “The school is already diverse as it is, and I think ensuring the diversity continues, and that it’s sustained over time and deepened, just enhances that experience overall.”
The education department also shared offer information for nine pre-K sites in the Diversity in Admissions program.
Most pre-Ks in the diversity program met their offer targets, except for the Castle Bridge School in Washington Heights. The school aimed to make 10 percent of offers to students who have incarcerated parents, but the school wasn’t able to make any offers based on the students who applied and priority status given to other students.
A recent report by The Century Foundation found that the city’s pre-Ks are more segregated than kindergarten classrooms. Testifying recently at a state budget hearing, Fariña seemed to chalk that up to parent choice.
“I, as a parent, am not going to be running to another part [of the city]. So it’s a matter [of] applying,” she said. “This is parent choice — the same way you can go to private school, parochial school, charter school, you can go to any pre-K.”

Confronting Segregation in New York City Schools Despite its polychromatic diversity, New York City has one of most deeply segregated school systems in the nation. When asked about this last week, Mayor Bill de Blasio dodged by saying that the schools are a reflection of historical housing patterns, and, “We cannot change the basic reality of housing in New York City.

Segregation in the city’s schools cannot be dismissed as an unsolvable problem. And though housing plays a role, decades-old educational policies have reinforced inequality and placed many low-income black and brown children on the road to second-class citizenship.

The Times’s Elizabeth A. Harris and Ford Fessenden made that clear last week in “The Broken Promises of Choice in New York City Schools,” an investigation of how a school choice initiative actually traps many low-income children in an inferior system-within-a-system.

Created during the mayoralty of Michael Bloomberg, New York’s choice system frees eighth graders who once would have attended their neighborhood high schools to apply anywhere in the city. But many of the most desirable high schools seem to have washed their hands of all but the best-prepared students by basing admission on auditions, or scores on a one-day, high-stakes test, or top performance on statewide exams, or portfolios of middle school work. Others apply vague entrance criteria that leave a room for arbitrariness.

By eighth grade, however, many low-income black and Hispanic children who have spent their early grades confined to failing schools — and passed through similarly poor middle schools — have already fallen too far behind in the competition for the high schools that could prepare them for college.

In some cases, for example, middle school students may not have taken courses necessary for entry and may not have the work samples to submit because teachers were unaware that they were supposed to preserve them. And low-income children who might qualify for admission are often defeated by a byzantine application process that wealthier parents navigate with paid consultants.

The choice system was constructed not for the poor, but to keep white middle-class families invested in the public schools. Even some who supported the strategy 20 years ago, though, now recognize that it promotes class segregation and presents enormous obstacles to vulnerable families. As The Times article points out, the racial isolation of black and Hispanic students is just as great in high school as in elementary schools, evidence that the choice system is failing.

Eric Nadelstern, a professor at Teachers College at Columbia University, who served as the deputy schools chancellor during the Bloomberg years, believes that efforts to retain the middle class at the expense of the poor were a critical mistake that reinforced racial isolation.

He recently proposed that the city get rid of the school entrance requirement system in favor of one that allows children to apply to any school in any area, with all admissions decided by lotteries. Others favor a less extreme version of this idea, under which schools would expand diversity — and promote upward mobility — by accepting children with a broader range of academic preparation.

Beyond that, critics argue that Mr. de Blasio should take a more urgent approach to remaking schools that continue to fail low-income black and Latino students. That means strengthening the teacher corps where possible and replacing it where necessary.

These changes are unlikely, with a mayor who is running for office and eager to keep the peace with both the teachers union and middle-class voters. But none of this alters the fundamental truth that New York City’s school choice system is tilted toward the wealthy and offers no real choice for the poor.

Half a century after integrating a New Orleans school, Ruby Bridges says America is headed in the wrong direction

‘I have hidden my legal status for 11 years’: A disillusioned high school senior speaks out

Thursday, September 17, 2015

Gertrude Wilks And Establishing Regional School Integration

Gertrude Wilks (right), the daughter of Louisiana sharecroppers, moved to East Palo Alto and was
one of its most prominent leaders in the 1960s.

The problem in New York City is that nothing happens until somebody pays for
 it to happen, and some politician sees some benefits (political/financial) to doing 
it.

Segregation in our public schools has never been fully addressed because no 
one put their political capital behind establishment of a new model.

We need this. 

Betsy Combier, Editor
President, ADVOCATZ

Charters without Borders: Using Inter-district Charter Schools
as a Tool for Regional School Integration

Halley Potter
The Century Foundation

LINK

In 1966, 
Gertrude Wilks, a black mother in East Palo Alto, California, was fed up with the inadequate teaching methods and scarce resources in her son’s predominantly black high school. Then she had an idea. Wilks started a grassroots “sneak out” movement that would send her son—and a hundred other children—to schools in the neighboring predominantly white and wealthy Palo Alto school district. Wilks and the other black parents partnered with white Palo Alto residents who lent their addresses to register the students. Twenty years later, this grassroots movement to fight the racial and socioeconomic segregation of school districts—and the unequal opportunities it created for students—led to the creation of a legal inter-district transfer program for East Palo Alto students that is still in place today.1 

Nearly fifty years later, some parents still go to great lengths to escape segregated, low-performing school districts. In 2011, Kelley Williams-Bolar, a black mother living in Akron, Ohio, used her father’s address to enroll her children in the neighboring suburban school district of Copley-Fairlawn. In Akron, Williams-Bolar’s daughters were assigned to schools in which more than 95 percent of students came from low-income families and which were failing almost all of the state’s academic standards. In Copley-Fairlawn, no school had more than 16 percent low-income students, and every school in the district met state standards for all subjects and grade levels. Like Wilks, Williams-Bolar saw that crossing district lines could be the key to providing better options for her children. Her problem and her approach to solving it are not unique, but her story received national attention because of her dramatic punishment:Williams-Bolar was convicted on criminal charges for fraud and served jail time.2

Today—just like in 1966 or 2011—it is pretty much universally recognized that the school a child attends has a huge impact on that child’s educational opportunities.

Today—just like in 1966 or 2011—it is pretty much universally recognized that the school a child attends has a huge impact on that child’s educational opportunities, but the truth is that, for most families, there just are not that many options for escaping racially isolated, high-poverty, poor-performing school districts. The struggles for school integration that grew out of the civil rights movement have resulted in inter-district integration plans in a handful of American cities, and they have delivered strong results for students. But these programs are few and far between, they have long waiting lists, and they are for the most part struggling to retain funding and popular support in a political climate that has largely forgotten about school integration. We should support the continuation and expansion of these programs, but we also need more approaches to inter-district integration.

Charter schools can and should be part of the solution to addressing inter-district segregation. Although charter school supporters and school integrationists may seem strange bedfellows, there is a growing subset of charter schools committed to school diversity. Furthermore, the charter school model comes with flexibility, funding, and political viability that could be huge assets in the fight for integrated schools.

This issue brief provides an overview of inter-district segregation and existing inter-district integration plans, argues that charter schools should play a greater role in encouraging inter-district integration, and recommends policies and actions to further inter-district integration using charter schools.

THE PROBLEM OF INTER-DISTRICT SEGREGATION


More than sixty years after Brown v. Board of Education, 
our public schools remain de facto segregated by race and class.3 In the Northeast, more than half of all black students attend hyper-segregated schools in which 90–100 percent of students are black or Latino. In the South, where the percentage of black students in 90–100 percent minority schools is now the lowest, still one in three black students attend hyper-segregated schools. The likelihood of Latino students attending 90–100 percent black or Latino schools is nearly as high. And black and Latino students are much more likely than their white and Asian peers to also attend high-poverty schools—a phenomenon that researchers from the Civil Rights Project at UCLA have dubbed “double segregation.” If you are a student in a 90–100 percent black or Latino school, there is an 80 percent chance that at least 70 percent of the student body is low-income. If you are a student in a predominantly white and Asian school (10 percent or less black or Latino), there is less than a 10 percent chance that your school has a poverty rate that high.4 

Importantly, the differences among school districts are more to blame for this stratification than the imbalances within school districts. According to one estimate, differences among school districts are responsible for more than 80 percent of the racial segregation in public schools.5 That is, individual school districts are much more demographically homogenous than broad regions that include multiple districts. Other research finds similar results.6 

Inter-district school segregation is in part a reflection of residential segregation. The concentration of poverty in neighborhoods has been steadily on the rise since 2000, with over 11 million Americans living in neighborhoods in which more than 40 percent of residents live below the federal poverty line.7 And the “double segregation” seen in schools is similarly rooted in neighborhoods. Controlling for family income, black and Latino families are more likely than white and Asian families to live in poor neighborhoods. The average black family earning $50,000 per year lives in a poorer neighborhood than the average white family earning just $20,000 per year.8 

However, segregation among school districts often goes beyond simply reflecting the realities of residential segregation. In the political battles that forge district lines, sometimes poor neighborhoods get pushed out, or rich neighborhoods get pulled in. The results of this process are visible in an interactive mapping by nonprofit EdBuild of the poverty rate for each school district in the United States, which highlights several particularly egregious examples of gerrymandered school districts. In Nebraska, for example, the district outline for Ansley Public Schools looks like a slice of Swiss cheese surrounded by a scattering of crumbs (see Figure 1). Ansley has a higher poverty rate than the other districts in the area, thanks to bizarre boundaries that tack on poorer neighborhoods in outlying areas as islands for Ansley and punch holes within Ansley’s main geographic area to send wealthier neighborhoods to other districts.9