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Sunday, September 16, 2012

Announcement From GEM/ATR Committee Congratulating Chicago Teacher's Union

  September 15, 2012
Dear Sisters and Brothers in the Chicago Teachers Union,

We applaud you in your strong stance in seeking a strong, valid contract, against the odds, with slanders coming from many directions.  

We understand that a major objective in your contract talks has been securing job placement / recall rights guarantees for laid-off teachers following the closure of schools.  

Recognizing that similar anti-teacher strategies are being used in different cities, we would like to warn you of the negative experiences of excessed teachers from closed or down-sized schools here. There is a big gap between what the New York City Department of Education (DOE) has promised and what it has actually done.  

Here in New York City, the DOE has hosted job fairs for excessed teachers in a pool called the Absent Teacher Reserve. The reality is that job recruiters do not treat ATRs with serious consideration. Instead, the principals and other HR officials are welcoming toward new or newer teachers. A central aspect to the principals’ preference is that the excessed teachers usually pull higher salaries. The principals hire the new, inexpensive teacher.

Likewise, the DOE has continued expensive recruitment campaigns and continues to solicit new, untested teachers. The DOE has brief periods of so-called hiring freezes, during which the actual reality is that very few ATRs are placed, and the DOE has a completely unrestricted open door for new hires.

In any agreement, there is the crucial element of contract or agreement enforcement. Fortunately, we have more faith in your union’s inclination to stand by in word and deed to any agreement that you make regarding excessed teachers in hiring pools.



In solidarity, the GEM/ATR Committee, of excessed NYC teachers. (For full disclosure, we are unrepresented dues-paying members of the United Federation of Teachers.)                                                                                                 gemnyc@gmail.com

Saturday, September 15, 2012

Mike Mulgrew Congratulates Himself For Writing Another Gobblygook Letter To "Members in Excess"

From: Betsy Combier

Ok, so what happens when a position is NOT filled by a "member in excess" (which does not explain how or why "members who have been brought to 3020-a" and "members who are ATRs for no reason" are included in the ATR pool)?

Answer: nothing, we probably wont hear of it because vacancies are not posted or revealed.


Then, what is the "Joint Oversight Committee" and who is on it? When and where are meetings held? Are any NYC Department of Education personnel involved?


Answer: still waiting


Please answer within 5 days.


Luv,


Betsy


From: Michael Mulgrew;
Subject: New provisions and stronger protections for ATRs
Date: Friday, September 14, 2012, 3:43 PM

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Dear colleagues,
It’s my pleasure to inform you about our recent settlement of a union-initiated grievance that has resulted in new provisions and stronger protections for ATRs.
We filed the grievance on behalf of all members who have been placed in excess once it was confirmed that the Department of Education was not properly implementing its June 2011 agreement.
We achieved five important things in this settlement:
  1. Principals have been instructed that they must use members who have been excessed and not per-diem substitutes to fill leaves, long-term absences — now defined as longer than 29 work days — and vacancies. Members in excess who are filling a leave, long-term absence or vacancy cannot be rotated week-to-week unless the principal requests a change.
  2. In the week-to-week rotations, early childhood-licensed teachers cannot be sent to junior high schools and junior high school-licensed teachers cannot be sent to elementary schools to fill early childhood positions. Junior high school teachers can be rotated to elementary schools to fill common-branch assignments.
  3. If members in excess are in the Brooklyn and Staten Island High School District (BASIS), the borough of the school from which they were excessed is the borough where they can be assigned.
  4. A member in excess can choose to agree to be provisionally hired if offered the opportunity by a principal. As a provisional hire, the member must be treated in all respects as an employee on the school’s table of organization. At the end of the school year, the employee can choose to remain at the school and take his or her rightful place in seniority order if the principal agrees. Both the provisional hire agreement and the agreement to make the assignment permanent must be in writing.
  5. The monitoring by the Joint Oversight Committee will be strengthened and the committee will identify and resolve any infractions of the settlement. If resolution is not achieved, the member now has the right to grieve.
We will keep you informed as we implement this important settlement.
Sincerely,
Michael Mulgrew
Michael Mulgrew
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Comments From Ed Reformers On The Chicago Strike

Five So-Called Liberal Pundits Who Are Attacking Teachers

Friday, 14 September 2012 10:24By Sarah Jaffe, AlterNet


Chicago's teacher strike may turn out to be the most important one in a generation, as teachers stand up to a corporate-backed education reform regime that stresses testing and firing teachers as a form of "accountability" while continuing to refuse to invest real money in making educational opportunities equal for all students.
The so-called education reform movement wants high-stakes tests that students take yearly to be used to evaluate teachers and weed out the "bad" ones, and pushes money into charter schools that are privately owned and don't have union teachers. Under the guise of "accountability" for teachers and schools, reformers put taxpayer dollars into the hands of private investors despite the charter schools' negligible results when it comes to actually improving education. The movement has been particularly pernicious because it's crept inside the heart of the Democratic party and taken hold of politicians and commentators who profess to be on the side of working people, but end up bashing teachers' unions.
As Molly Ball at the Atlantic wrote last week, Los Angeles mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, the chairman of the Democratic National Convention, spoke during the convention at a movie screening hosted by the face of the pro-charter-school movement, Michelle Rhee. "Another Democratic star, Newark Mayor Cory Booker, spoke at the cocktails-and-canapes reception afterward," Ball noted. "Across the country, Democratic officials from governors like Colorado's John Hickenlooper to former President Clinton -- buoyed by the well-funded encouragement of the hedge-fund bigwigs behind much of the charter-school movement -- are shifting the party's consensus away from the union-dictated terms to which it has long been loyal."
And of course, Chicago's teachers are facing down Mayor Rahm Emanuel, former White House Chief of Staff for Barack Obama.
It's not just politicians falling for the rhetoric of the union-busters when it comes to teachers. Few would dare to demonize police or firefighters' unions the same way they have teachers, who are mostly women, working for decent middle-class wages but hardly getting rich, and in Chicago often working in horrific conditions, with huge classes and in some cases no air conditioning. Yet as the teachers hit the streets and Chicagoans declared support, supposedly liberal pundits echoed far-right talking points about teacher salaries and budget cuts, implied that teachers were hurting students by standing up for their rights and for better conditions in the schools, and argued that not supporting the union was evidence of their independent thought—not their susceptibility to a well-funded message machine or their general contempt for public school teachers.
Here's five of the most egregious examples of otherwise smart liberal pundits repeating the talking points of the corporate education reform movement.
1. Nicholas Kristof. The New York Times' columnist is celebrated for his trips into Global South countries to report heartwrenching stories of women; he's lauded as an activist and a human rights advocate. But when it comes to women and workers fighting for their rights closer to home, he seems to have a big blind spot. He tweeted:
Re the Chicago teacher strike, my take: teachers should have greater pay but more accountability & less job security.
Kristof doesn't seem to have a great grasp on the facts—arguing for "bottom-third" teachers not to have job protections, then suggesting that we should listen to teachers for ideas on how to weed out that bottom third. "In response to your questions, yes, 1 yr value added isn't adequate to judge a teacher. 3 yrs data better. Some subjects not measurable," he admits, but continues to argue for high-stakes testing as "accountability."
New York teacher Brian Jones pointed out, in the Times as well, that the "carrot-and-stick" routine Kristof implicitly endorses here to try to make teachers perform won't work. "Any experienced classroom teacher will tell you that punishments and rewards at best encourage obedience, but will not promote creativity, intelligence or initiative." Instead, he noted, "By confronting the mayor and standing up for things teachers and students desperately need to actually improve our schools, the union is likely to do more to retain the best teachers, and to help more teachers to do their best, than any merit pay scheme ever could."
Kristof's admission that teachers should be well-paid would be more welcome if it didn't come along with the call for more testing—as we know, high-stakes testing doesn't lead to better teaching, it leads to lousy learning and in some cases, cheating.
Finally, Kristof wraps up with some concern-trolling intended to appease both sides, saying that the real losers are poor kids who attend Chicago's public schools. Of course, if Kristof had any interest in listening to activists, many of them women of color, he'd understand that that's why the teachers are striking in the first place.
2. Joe Nocera. Nocera, also at the Times, tries to soften his critique of the teachers' strike by throwing them a bone midway through his column. "As regular readers know, I have been somewhat skeptical of the reform movement. For those disadvantaged students who get into a good charter school or land in a program that can help them succeed, that's wonderful. In the grand scheme of things, though, the number of students who get that kind of attention is small."
Great, Joe. The reform movement is full of it. But where you got your next sentence is completely unclear. "On the other hand, the status quo, which is what the Chicago teachers want, is clearly unacceptable."
Here's a deep-seated bit of ideology that's really worth unpacking for a second. This is the image of unions in the American psyche these days. Most people think of them as little-c conservative institutions holding on to a dead past, trying to protect what their members have against a sweeping tide of change.
It's wrong, and the CTU couldn't be a better example of just how wrong it is. Karen Lewis and her union are the ones actually fighting for reforms in the schools, starting with things we know work: smaller class sizes, well-rounded curriculum, support for teachers and school staff. They might legally only be allowed to strike over salary and benefits, but they've been out there at every turn arguing for change, not the status quo.
Nocera seems to brush off the points the teachers make about poverty, about the unfairness of statewide tests that hold teachers in schools where families are barely staying afloat to the same standard as white kids in suburban well-funded districts. Just lengthening the school day won't help if you have overfull classes stuffed with kids with empty stomachs and no air conditioning—those aren't conditions for learning.
Nocera might want to ask some people who would know what works. But those would be teachers, and no one seems to actually care what they think.
3. Dylan Matthews. Over at Wonkblog, founded and headed by liberal darling Ezra Klein, Dylan Matthews went two for two, first arguing that teachers' strikes hurt student achievement (measured, of course, by those magical test scores) and then churning out a charming little piece arguing over teachers' wages.
Doug Henwood at Left Business Observer provides an expansive response to Matthews' "attempted heart-tugging" over the damage being done to students. The studies Matthews quotes, Henwood points out, are from Canada and Belgium, and one of them was a six-month long work stoppage. He quotes Michèle Belot and Dinand Webbink, the authors of that study, who are far less interested in fearmongering than Matthews is:
Strikes do not occur randomly and are likely to be correlated with other factors affecting educational outcomes, thereby compromising the identification of a causal effect. A before–after comparison might be biased by other unobserved factors that changed after the strikes.
And then on to the money. He qualifies his eight paragraphs of numbers by admitting that none of his calculations have anything to do with whether teachers deserve to make $56,000 or $71,000 or any other possible rate of pay, he's essentially done the right's work for them: insisting that the teachers make the high end of a possible range of pay opens them up to the charge being flung around that they're greedy.
It also contributes to the myth that the strike is only about pay, when in fact, like most labor actions, it's about so much more than that, from class sizes to standardized tests to the lack of air conditioning in schools and the persistent, grinding poverty of so many of Chicago's public school students. But as Phil Cantor, a striking teacher, told Democracy Now!, due to neoliberal reforms pushed through by Emanuel and others, the teachers are only legally allowed to strike over pay and benefits, but they get blamed in the press for being concerned about their pay. It's almost like the politicians planned it that way to make teachers look greedy and selfish.
As Micah Uetricht notes at Jacobin, CTU president Karen Lewis was asked what the primary issues were that caused the union overwhelmingly to vote to strike. "She replied that all issues, from compensation to smaller class sizes to the increasing reliance upon standardized testing to understaffing of positions dealing with 'wraparound services,' like social workers and clinicians, were causing the impasse."
By focusing solely on the numbers, Matthews contributes to the idea that a teachers' strike is all about the money, and by insisting repeatedly on the higher number, he contributes to the divide-and-conquer tactics the right has gotten so good at using to split the working class and attack unions.
4. Matt Yglesias. Yglesias' contribution, at Slate, to the teachers' union-busting is one of the most unintentionally ironic things I've ever seen. Just a year and a couple of months out from the biggest labor uprising in decades over the rights of public employees, Yglesias is actually arguing that teachers' unions suck because they are public employees.
Really. Check this out:
If CTU members get what they want, that's not coming out of the pocket of "the bosses" it's coming out of the pocket of the people who work at charter schools or the people who pay taxes in Chicago.
So if the teachers get a better pay rate, it's coming out of the pockets of...other teachers? It escapes Yglesias, of course, because he's firmly bought in to the myth that the teachers just want more money. But one of the things the CTU wants is fewer charter schools, and one of the reasons they want fewer charter schools is that the teachers in them don't have access to the protections of collective bargaining.
As for the idea that taxpayers should hate teachers because they pay their salaries, I don't even know where to begin. Yglesias is responding to a brief post by Doug Henwood in which Henwood compares teachers to blue-collar workers like autoworkers or janitors, and his argument is that people don't mind janitors striking because it doesn't come out of their bottom line. Except janitors are also employed by public entities sometimes, but whatever, liberal pundits don't want to get too close to those types of workers anyway. (In Chicago the janitors are refusing to cross the teachers' picket lines, standing in solidarity.)
Public workers, of course, were the target of lots of attacks last year, but by Republicans (mostly). The difference between Scott Walker and Rahm Emanuel on this issue is quite slim, actually. Part of the education reform plan is, as Nicholas Kristof points out above, to take away job security from the teachers deemed "bad" by the powers that be. Walker's attacks, like Emanuel's, disproportionately fell on a part of the workforce dominated by women and people of color. CTU president Karen Lewis attended Dartmouth, the only woman of color in her class, and has put race and gender at the center of her analysis.
Even when attacking public employee unions, Scott Walker and his ilk avoid fights with the police and firefighters. Only John Kasich in Ohio had the guts to go after cops and firefighters, and unsurprisingly his bill was defeated. (It's also worth noting that in Chicago, the police union is also standing with the teachers.) There is simply no comparable demonization of these public workers to what happens constantly with teachers. Coincidentally, there is no way for hedge funders to get rich pocketing tax dollars by creating charter police departments or fire departments. Though now that I've said it, maybe they'll start.
The main difference seems to be, on this question, that Emanuel is a Democrat and so belongs to a party that at least feels the need to pay lip service to teachers and their unions—though not long ago an Obama campaign manager bragged about the president's relationship with teachers unions being "anything but cozy."
Oh, and that this is a strike, and apparently liberal pundits prefer it when unions lie down and wait for the abuses to come. Yet as Matthew Stoller pointed out last year, the lack of strikes has led most people to consider unions ineffective and useless, creating the same kind of thinking that Cohen displays here. "People might only like unions when they see strikes, otherwise all they hear about is backroom negotiations," Stoller argued. "Perhaps effectively striking is actually the way to force people to ask questions about what kind of country they want to live in."
If Yglesias is seriously worried about the taxpayers in Chicago getting screwed over by public school funding, perhaps he could start here: according to Bill Barclay at Dissent, "In revealing contrast, nine selective-enrollment high schools (charter and magnet) that make up 1 percent of the total number of schools got 24 percent of the money spent on school construction projects."
That sounds like misallocation of taxpayer funds to me.
As Henwood replied, "The 'what about the taxpayers?' lament is straight out of the Reagan playbook—from which it's clear that a lot of Democrats are taking instruction these days."
5. Jacob Weisberg. It might be easier to understand Yglesias' position on striking teachers when you look at his boss's tweets on the subject. Weisberg, editor-in-chief at Slate, is the most gleeful yet:
Rooting for Rahm to make the Chicago Teachers' Union sorry for this inexcusable strike. Students in class fewest hours of any big city.
It's disconcerting to see such clear desire for punishment of working people (by a multimillionaire politician whose best friends are on Wall Street no less). But Weisberg should know, right? He's an alum of Chicago's schools—or rather, one ofChicago's illustrious private schools. The Francis W. Parker school's Web site stresses its "...small class size and interdisciplinary approach to teaching result in a challenging and meaningful educational experience."
Now, of course it's possible for someone to have attended a private school and still have solidarity with striking workers, or to have ideas worth listening to about how schools should be run. But when your only answer to the questions raised by a teachers strike is:
Teachers, fire & police shouldn't have right to strike. It's blackmail power over essential services. They have many other protections.
At least Weisberg is consistent here in saying that teachers are just as essential as police and firefighters. But he then argues that none of them should have the right to strike. It's thinking like this that led to the assaults on public workers' collective bargaining rights that flared up last year but haven't really gone away. It's also the same thinking that leads to Republicans arguing that public sector jobs aren't real jobs, that they're simply government waste. Or that leads to a Democratic mayorcutting wages for all public workers (again, including police and firefighters) to minimum wage.
Striking is the strongest weapon that working people have to fight for their own rights. The bar in Chicago was raised to a height that politicians thought the union would never be able to scale, cutting back what the teachers were legally able to strike over and requiring a larger percentage of the union to vote than they thought possible. But they underestimated the solidarity and determination of the teachers' union, and now Democrats are making Republican-sounding arguments while insisting that they don't hate all unions or all teachers, it's just that this time is different.
"What about the children," what Weisberg essentially asks here, is a question being used across the board against the unions. We are supposed to believe that wealthy charter school backers and Wall Street Democrats, along with Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan, the architects of No Child Left Behind, and so many other conservatives, really have the best interests of children at heart instead of the people who willingly take on a thankless career in the nation's poorest schools.
As economist Dean Baker pointed out, "The main determinants of childrens' performance continues to be the socioeconomic conditions of their parents. Those unwilling to take the steps necessary to address the latter (e.g. promote full employment) are the ones who do not care about our children."

Thursday, September 13, 2012

Announcement from GEM: ATR Meeting September 20, 2012

The GEM/ATR Committee
will meet at the Starlight Diner, at 402 W 34th Street (SW corner of 9th Avenue), Manhattan,
at 5:30 PM, on Thursday, September 20, 2012

The committee will address ATRs' concerns, which go neglected by our union,
and how to accomplish ATRs' goals.

Contact: gemnyc@gmail.com


Wednesday, September 12, 2012

Ross v Breslin: Employees Who Blow The Whistle Do Not Have Protection Under The First Amendment, Says NYS Court of Appeals


from Betsy Combier -


If you want to be a whistleblower, then you have to repeat the following, "I am speaking as a private citizen on a matter of public concern" in order to overcome Garcetti v. Ceballos, the lack of protection for employees who speak out as in the reversal of Ross v Breslin, below:

United States Court of Appeals,Second Circuit.

ROSS v. BRESLIN

Risa A. ROSS, Plaintiff–Appellee, v. Peter F. BRESLIN, Eve Hundt, Michael Gordon, Felycia Sugarman, Donna Walsh, Bruce Pavalow, Warren Schloat, Board of Education of The Katonah–Lewisboro Union Free School District, Katonah Lewisboro Union Free School District, Kevin Sheldon, Defendants, Robert Lichtenfeld, Defendant–Appellant.
Docket No. 10–5275–cv.
-- September 10, 2012
Before WALKER, LEVAL, and POOLER, Circuit Judges.
Jonathan Lovett, Law Office of Jonathan Lovett, Hawthorne, NY, for Plaintiff–Appellee.ROndiene E. Novitz, Cruser, Mitchell & Novitz, LLP, Melville, NY, for Defendant–Appellant.
This appeal requires us to determine whether plaintiffappellee Risa A. Ross (“Ross”) was speaking pursuant to her official duties as a payroll clerk typist for the Katonah Lewisboro Union Free School District (“the District”) when she reported financial malfeasance to defendant-appellant Robert Lichtenfeld (“Lichtenfeld”), the District's tendent, and to the Katonah–Lewisboro Board of Education (“the Board”). The United States District Court for the Southern District of New York (William G. Young, Judge ) held that Ross was speaking as a private citizen and that her First Amendment retaliation claim could proceed to trial. We disagree. We conclude that Ross's complaints were made pursuant to her official duties and therefore were not protected by the First Amendment. See Garcetti v. Ceballos, 547 U.S. 410 (2006). Accordingly, Lichtenfeld is entitled to summary judgment on Ross's First Amendment retaliation claim.
BACKGROUND
When reviewing an interlocutory appeal from a denial of a motion for summary judgment, we resolve all factual disputes in favor of the non-movant. Droz v. McCadden, 580 F.3d 106, 108 (2d Cir.2009). In 1998, Ross was hired by the District as a payroll clerk typist. Her immediate supervisor was Margaret Taylor. Lichtenfeld was, at all relevant times, the District's Superintendent. Ross testified that her job duties were:
To process biweekly payrolls for approximately 800 people, transmit direct deposit, [and] mail out [checks relating to other payments, such as taxes and garnishments,] ․ getting the pay reqs. [requisitions] ․ and processing, making sure that the pay rates were correct, making sure that the totals were correct, and verifying. If there was a mistake with a pay req., bringing it to the appropriate person's attention.

If it was a mistake that I felt was a mistake, I would bring it to the person's attention․ If there was a pay req. that I disagreed with and I had questions about․

I brought—a lot of them I brought to Bob [Lichtenfeld]'s attention that I didn't think were appropriate.
Ross Deposition 64–65. Ross's job required her to know the current salary of each district employee.
Between May 2003 and July 2006, Ross met with Lichtenfeld on numerous occasions to express concern over payments she believed to be improper. At their first meeting in May 2003, Ross informed Lichtenfeld that Howard “Lee” Turner, a District courier, had forged his supervisor's signature to obtain additional pay. Ross played voicemails for Lichtenfeld in which a supervisor told her to forget about Turner's actions and not say anything. Lichtenfeld informed the Board of Turner's forgery. Turner voluntarily resigned to avoid disciplinary action and received compensation for his accrued vacation time and two months of continued health insurance.
On February 10, 2004, Ross again met with Lichtenfeld to tell him that John Thibdeau, the director of administrative services, was retaliating against her for questioning improper payments he had approved and for an incident involving Lisa Kor. At this meeting, Ross gave Lichtenfeld documentation of some of these disbursements. When Lichtenfeld looked at the documentation, he said something to the effect of: “Oh, my God. This is worse than the Enron scandal. If taxpayers find out heads will spin.” Ross Deposition 119. Following this meeting, Ross continued to meet with Lichtenfeld about similar complaints.
Ross's complaints primarily concerned improper disbursements which she believed were made without the required Board approval based on her review of Board meeting agendas. She had been told by Lichtenfeld that “Board action people” (individuals not under contract who must be annually approved by the Board) were not entitled to overtime. She approached Lichtenfeld with examples of Board action people who were receiving overtime pay without Board approval. Similarly, Lichtenfeld told Ross that it was illegal to give out bonuses or performance awards without Board approval. Ross complained of numerous performance awards, bonuses, stipends, at least one longevity payment, and other miscellaneous disbursements all of which she believed were made without the necessary Board approval. In a separate incident, Ross complained that Lichtenfeld had spent $500 of District funds to buy chocolates for a gift.
In October 2005, the District hired Renee Gargano (“Gargano”) as an outside consultant to help resolve interpersonal problems among the staff. Gargano was at all relevant times Deputy Superintendent of the Putnam/Northern Westchester BOCES (“Putnam”), a nearby school district. Upon viewing a list of employees, Gargano recognized Ross's name and informed Lichtenfeld that Ross had previously been employed by Putnam. Gargano did not recall having received a reference check call when Ross was hired by the District. Further investigation revealed that Ross had failed to list her employment with—and termination from—Putnam, as well as two other school districts, on her employment application.
In January 2006, Ross met with Gargano. Ross told Gargano about the improper payments she had reported to Lichtenfeld and showed her the relevant documentation. Gargano took the documents and said she would discuss the matter with Lichtenfeld.
On May 23, 2006, Ross was suspended with pay by Kevin Sheldon, the District's Assistant Business Administrator. On July 21, 2006, Ross wrote a letter on her personal stationary to the individual Board members outlining the concerns she had raised to Lichtenfeld. The letter began: “Although I am an employee of the School District, I am writing to you, ․ President of the Board of Education, on a personal note out of complete frustration with the District's administration.” after explaining her conversations with Lichtenfeld and noting her frustration with his failure to take what she considered to be appropriate action, she stated that her suspension was in retaliation for reporting financial malfeasance.
After the Board received this letter, it convened an executive session at which Lichtenfeld recommended Ross's termination. The Board voted to terminate her. It subsequently learned, however, that Ross had been entitled to a pretermination hearing. It rescinded her termination and initiated a disciplinary hearing, which was held on August 24 and 31, 2006, before Hearing Officer Joseph E. Wooley. The Hearing Officer found that Ross had knowingly made false statements on her application and recommended that she be terminated. On December 19, 2006, the Board voted unanimously to terminate Ross.


Ross filed this amended complaint in March 2007 claiming in relevant part that her termination was a violation of her First Amendment rights. Lichtenfeld moved for summary judgment. On December 6, 2010, the district court granted the motion as to some of Ross's claims, but denied it with regard to her First Amendment retaliation claim. Ross v. Lichtenfeld, 755 F.Supp.2d 467 (S.D.N.Y.2010). The district court concluded that Lichtenfeld was not entitled to qualified immunity on that claim. Id. at 479. Lichtenfeld appeals.
DISCUSSION
An interlocutory appeal from a denial of summary judgment is permissible when a district court denies the defendant qualified immunity. See Cowan ex rel. Estate of Cooper v. Breen, 352 F.3d 756, 760 (2d Cir.2003). Such an appeal is allowed only if the defendant contends that he is entitled to qualified immunity under the plaintiff's version of the facts. Id. at 761. Ross argues that we lack jurisdiction because this appeal is based on disputed facts, i.e., Lichtenfeld's intent. However, we agree with Lichtenfeld that even under Ross's version of the facts, her complaints are not entitled to First Amendment protection because they were made pursuant to her job duties. Thus, Ross's jurisdictional argument is without merit.
We will grant summary judgment if, taking all the facts in the light most favorable to the non-moving party, the defendant was entitled to qualified immunity as a matter of law. Id. at 760–61. In general, qualified immunity shields “government officials performing discretionary functions ․ from liability for civil damages insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.” Harlow v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 800, 818 (1982). The qualified immunity inquiry can turn on either of two questions: whether the complaint alleges the deprivation of an actual constitutional right, or whether the right was clearly established at the time of the incident. See Pearson v. Callahan, 555 U.S. 223, 232, 236 (2009). A “no” answer to either question requires judgment for the defendant. See id. at 245; Costello v. City of Burlington, 632 F.3d 41, 51 (2d Cir.2011) (Pooler, J., concurring). The district court concluded that Ross had presented sufficient evidence that Lichtenfeld violated her clearly established First Amendment right to freedom of speech. We disagree and hold that, because Ross was speaking pursuant to her official duties and not as a private citizen, her speech was not protected by the First Amendment. Because we find that the complaint does not allege a violation of a constitutional right, it is clear a fortiori that the right was not clearly established at the time of the incident.
In the First Amendment context, “the State has interests as an employer in regulating the speech of its employees that differ significantly from those it possesses in connection with regulation of the speech of the citizenry in general.” Pickering v. Bd. of Educ. of Twp. High Sch. Dist. 205, Will Cnty., Ill., 391 U.S. 563, 568 (1968). Speech by a public employee is protected by the First Amendment only when the employee is speaking “as a citizen ․ on a matter of public concern.” Piscottano v. Murphy, 511 F.3d 247, 269–70 (2d Cir.2007). In Garcetti v. Ceballos, the Supreme Court held that “when public employees make statements pursuant to their official duties, the employees are not speaking as citizens for First Amendment purposes, and the Constitution does not insulate their communications from employer discipline.” 547 U.S. at 421. This is the case even when the subject of an employee's speech is a matter of public concern. Jackler v. Byrne, 658 F.3d 225, 237 (2d Cir.2011); Anemone v. Metro. Transp. Auth., 629 F.3d 97, 115–16 (2d Cir.2011). Therefore, if, as a matter of law, Ross was speaking pursuant to her official duties, Lichtenfeld is entitled to summary judgment.
In Garcetti, the plaintiff, Richard Ceballos, who was a deputy district attorney, was asked by a defense attorney to review an affidavit that had been used to obtain a search warrant. Ceballos discovered significant misrepresentations in the affidavit. He informed his supervisors of his discovery and wrote a disposition memo recommending that the charges be dismissed. He claimed that he was subsequently subjected to retaliatory employment action. 547 U.S. at 413–15. The Supreme Court determined that he had not been speaking as a citizen when he told his supervisors about the problems with the affidavit: “The controlling factor in Ceballos' case is that his expressions were made pursuant to his duties as a calendar deputy․ Ceballos spoke as a prosecutor fulfilling a responsibility to advise his supervisor about how best to proceed with a pending case․” Id. at 421. In short, “Ceballos wrote his disposition memo because that is part of what he, as a calendar deputy, was employed to do.” Id.
The Court further observed that “[r]estricting speech that owes its existence to a public employee's professional responsibilities does not infringe any liberties the employee might have enjoyed as a private citizen.” Id. at 421–22. Instead, “[i]t simply reflects the exercise of employer control over what the employer itself has commissioned or created.” Id. at 422.
In Weintraub v. Bd. of Educ., 593 F.3d 196 (2d Cir.2010), we addressed the applicability of Garcetti to a teacher's complaints about his school administration's failure to discipline a disruptive student. After the administration failed to punish a student in Weintraub's class for throwing a book on two separate occasions, Weintraub told his supervisor and coworkers that he intended to file an employee grievance with his union, and thereafter filed the grievance. Weintraub, 593 F.3d at 198–99. Weintraub argued that his complaints were not made pursuant to his official duties because they were not required by his job description, school policy, or other relevant regulations. Id. at 201–02. We rejected this argument, holding that “under the First Amendment, speech can be ‘pursuant to’ a public employee's official job duties even though it is not required by, or included in, the employee's job description, or in response to a request by the employer.” Id. at 203. We emphasized that the inquiry into whether speech was made pursuant to an employee's “official duties is ‘a practical one,’ “ id. at 202 (quoting Garcetti, 547 U .S. at 424), focused on whether the speech “was part-and-parcel of his concerns about his ability to properly execute his duties.” Weintraub, 593 F.3d at 203 (internal quotation marks omitted). We further noted that Weintraub's speech took the form of an employee grievance, an avenue unavailable to private citizens. Id . at 203–04 (“Although the lack of a citizen analogue is not dispositive in this case, it does bear on the perspective of the speaker-whether the public employee is speaking as a citizen ․“ (internal citation and quotation marks omitted)).
The inquiry into whether a public employee is speaking pursuant to her official duties is not susceptible to a brightline rule. Courts must examine the nature of the plaintiff's job responsibilities, the nature of the speech, and the relationship between the two. See id. at 201–02. Other contextual factors, such as whether the complaint was also conveyed to the public, may properly influence a court's decision. See id. at 205.
In this case, Ross alleges three instances of protected speech: her reports to Lichtenfeld about improper payments and promotions, her statements to Gargano about the same issues, and her letter to the Board members. The district court concluded that the statements to Gargano were not protected because they were in the nature of an employee grievance, but that Ross's statements to Lichtenfeld and her letter to the Board were entitled to First Amendment protection because in those instances, in the district court's view, she was speaking on a matter of public concern, she went outside the chain of command, and her complaints were not in the nature of an employee grievance. Ross, 755 F.Supp.2d at 474–75. Lichtenfeld contends that, although Ross's speech was on a matter of public concern, it was made pursuant to her duties as a payroll clerk typist and is therefore not protected by the First Amendment. We agree.
Ross testified that her job duties included processing the payroll and making sure pay rates were correct. She stated that if there was a mistake with a pay requisition, her duty was to “bring[ ] it to the appropriate person's attention.” Ross Deposition 64. She specifically noted that she brought many such requisitions to Lichtenfeld's attention. Id. at 65. Ross learned that overtime for Board action people and performance bonuses without Board approval—the cause of most of her individualized complaints—were improper because she was told so by Lichtenfeld and her supervisor. Id. at 89, 95–97. She further stated that she was not able to balance out the payroll without knowing whether certain payments had been approved by the Board. Id. at 100–01. Ross attempts to downplay the importance of her role in the District's payroll system, noting that descriptions of her job consistently refer to it as “clerical.” Appellee's Br. at 19. However, “[f]ormal job descriptions often bear little resemblance to the duties an employee actually is expected to perform.” Garcetti, 547 U.S. at 424–25.
Ross's testimony makes plain that reporting pay irregularities to a supervisor was one of her job duties. She admitted that her responsibilities included reporting mistakes to supervisors. Moreover, she acquired all of the information she relayed to Lichtenfeld in the ordinary course of performing her work, and she was not able to meet her responsibility of balancing the payroll without resolving pay requisition irregularities on at least one occasion. Her reports to Lichtenfeld were part and parcel of her official responsibilities.
Ross urges that she was speaking as a private citizen because she went outside the chain of command by first bringing her concerns to Lichtenfeld instead of her supervisor and then by writing to the Board. However, Ross testified that her duties included bringing payroll irregularities “to the appropriate person's attention,” and went on to say that she frequently brought such issues to Lichtenfeld, implying that reporting to Lichtenfeld as “the appropriate person” was within the purview of her job duties. Ross Deposition 64–65. Moreover, Ross brought her concerns to Lichtenfeld because she believed her supervisor was ignoring them; and she similarly wrote to the Board only when she believed that Lichtenfeld was not acting on her complaints. Taking a complaint up the chain of command to find someone who will take it seriously “does not, without more, transform [her] speech into protected speech made as a private citizen.” Anemone, 629 F.3d at 116.
Ross's assertion in her letter that she was writing “on a personal note” rather than as a District employee does not alter our conclusion. An employee's characterization of her own speech is not dispositive.
Because Ross never attempted to communicate her complaints to the public, she cannot avail herself of the argument that her duties in no way included public revelation of misconduct of district officials that is generally available to the employee who takes the issue public. Cf. Weintraub, 593 F.3d at 205 (where the plaintiff had no such argument as he never communicated with the public).
We emphasize that our holding that Ross's speech was unprotected does not rest on the fact that her speech was made in the workplace as opposed to elsewhere. Speech to a supervisor even in the workplace can be protected as that of a private citizen if it is not made pursuant to the employee's official duties as an employee. Courts must focus their inquiry on the nature of the speech itself and its relationship to the plaintiff's job responsibilities. We also observe that complaints about workplace misconduct, while they may be unprotected by the First Amendment if made as part of the plaintiff's job duties, still may be protected by whistleblower laws or other similar employment codes. See Garcetti, 547 U.S. at 425–26; Ruotolo v. City of N.Y., 514 F.3d 184, 189 n. 1 (2d Cir.2008).
Finally, we note that this circuit's recent holding in Jackler v. Byrne, 658 F.3d 225, does not bear on our case. In Jackler, the plaintiff was a probationary police officer who allegedly witnessed the use of excessive force against a suspect by a fellow officer. That suspect filed a civilian complaint against the officer. At the request of his supervisor, and in accordance with written police procedure, Jackler filed a report corroborating the accusation of excessive force. Id. at 230–31. Jackler's supervisors pressured him to retract the report and falsify his story to protect the offending officer. When Jackler refused, he was not hired as a full-time officer. Id. at 231–32. The panel concluded that Jackler had a cognizable First Amendment claim because, when he refused to file a false report, he was speaking as a citizen.
Jackler involved very different circumstances from this case. The panel emphasized that Jackler had been asked to “retract his truthful statements and make statements that were false,” and determined that “his refusals to accede to those demands constituted speech activity that was significantly different from the mere filing of his initial Report.” Id. at 241. Indeed, if Jackler had made a false statement to the police, he would have violated New York law. Id. at 239. Jackler is therefore plainly distinguishable on its facts. Ross alleges that she suffered retaliation for making affirmative statements of misconduct to her supervisors, not for refusing to make false statements that no misconduct had occurred.
In this case, the speech that prompted Ross's retaliation claim owed its existence to her job duties and was made in furtherance of those duties. As a payroll clerk, she was tasked with reporting pay irregularities to her supervisors, and that is what she did here. Accordingly, her complaints to Lichtenfeld and the Board were not protected by the First Amendment, and Lichtenfeld is entitled to summary judgment.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district court is REVERSED.
JOHN M. WALKER, JR., Circuit Judge:

Tuesday, September 11, 2012

Teacher at Nightingale-Bamford Ousted Over Alleged Affair With A Student

 

Teach-student 'affair' scandal rocks elite city girl's school

Nightingale-Bamford 20 East 92nd Street

 

Last Updated:3:00 PM, September 11, 2012
Posted:2:09 AM, September 11, 2012

James MesserschmidtGOSSIP:The Nightingale-Bamford School on the Upper East Side, model for "Gossip Girls."
The exclusive Upper East Side Nightingale-Bamford School for girls has been rocked by scandal after married teacher Jonathan Fuller was suspended amid allegations he had an affair with a student, The Post has learned.
Jonathan Fuller

The popular, 55-year-old science and psychology teacher was hauled out of class Friday after a complaint was made that he was allegedly involved with a former pupil who is now “18 or 19” years old, according to several sources connected to the school.
“They canceled his classes and pulled him out,” said one source.
“We were told that she graduated last year.”
The school’s headmaster appointed an independent investigator to probe whether the teen was underage when the alleged relationship began — and whether the teacher had affairs with any other young women, according to sources and a letter sent by school officials to parents.
“A complaint was made about him having an affair with a former student, but they are investigating if he has been involved with any other students,” a source said.
The investigation could lead to his being fired, documents show.
Fuller’s dramatic removal — just two days into the school year — stunned parents and staff at the elite Upper East Side academy, which costs nearly $40,000 per year and is the model for The CW’s “Gossip Girls” television show.
“This came out of nowhere and everyone is shocked,” a school insider said. “They’re handling this by the book; they’re keeping the girl’s name confidential internally.”
Daughters and relatives of the powerful Tisch and Bronfman families, as well as the children of movie mogul Harvey Weinstein, have attended the school.
Fuller’s suspension was revealed in a letter sent Friday to parents from Nightingale’s new head of school, Paul Burke — the institution’s first male chief.
“I am sorry to have to tell you that this morning I suspended an Upper School faculty member in light of reports received over the past two days that, if true, describe behavior that is not only inappropriate, but also completely inconsistent with our rules and values,” Burke wrote in the three-paragraph letter.
“With the help of independent counsel, we have begun a full investigation and have spoken to all parties involved. We will continue to pursue the facts and will take all appropriate steps going forward, including the teacher’s dismissal, if necessary.”
The letter did not name the teacher or the specific nature of the “inappropriate” behavior.
But Fuller, who was on sabbatical in the spring 2012 semester in Colorado, was named by school officials during a staff meeting yesterday to discuss the brewing scandal.
He wasn’t in school yesterday, students said, and his name, fall class schedule and syllabus were scrubbed from Nightingale’s Web site.
He was a favorite among doting Nightingale students. Some girls went so far as to create fan pages for him on MySpace and Facebook.
“What’s your fave thing about him? Comment PLZ,” read one such post.
In 15 years at Nightingale, Fuller, a former dean of students at Connecticut’s Woodhall School, gained high marks from parents, too.
“Mr. Fuller is one of the most beloved teachers on the staff,” said one source. “He is well known for being a fantastic and dedicated teacher.”
He lives on Long Island but was almost always at school by 7 a.m. to give students extra help and mentoring, sources said.
He did not come to the door at his Long Island home and did not return phone calls. A woman who answered his cellphone declined to comment and said, “I’m sorry. He’s not available.”
Additional reporting by Jeane MacIntosh, Tara Palmeri and Liz Sadler
From Betsy Combier: I and my twin sister attended Nightingale 1st to 12th grade, 3 of my 4 daughters attended NBS elementary school.