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Sunday, March 15, 2009

The "Gotcha Squad" and the New York City Rubber Rooms

Joel Klein
The New York City Rubber Room Anti-Teacher Charging Process Shows How Corrupt the Carmen Farina-Bill De Blasio Department of Education Really Is. by Betsy Combier

Dennis Walcott

How The New York City "Gotcha Squad" Gets Tenured Teachers Declared "Incompetent", and Placed in a Rubber Room by Betsy Combier

The Administrative Trials Unit (ATU) has hired a team of lawyers who work in a new ATU subgroup called "Teacher Performance Unit". In the Office of Legal Services' newsletter  "On The Legal Side" from 2000 you can read about the people involved. On page 4 you will find a picture of Theresa Europe, the current Director of the ATU. Randi Weingarten, President of the United Federation of Teachers and American Federation of Teachers, calls them the "Teacher Gotcha Squad". The use of TAC (Technical Assistance Conference) memos (the Office of Labor Relations has a 2007 version of the Principal's 'How To Get Rid Of A Teacher" Manual) in the preparation of charges to prefer against allegedly incompetent teachers was published in 2004, as Labor FAQs from the Office of Labor Relations. The New York State School Boards Association has published a report with recommendations to reform this expensive process.

Carmen Farina


We all must defend our right to know who is saying what to whom. In New York City today, however, the NYC BOE's secret disciplinary process is unfair and this process of pursuing false claims as fact must be changed. The word "incompetency" cannot be arbitrarily given to anyone at the whim of a principal, it must be applied according to a set standard so there can be a pre-determined penalty for the level of "misconduct" now labelled as "unsatisfactory performance". Otherwise, there is mayhem, terror, and chaos.

Mecca Santana

A partner office, OEO, is also a problem. Teachers are going to the "new" Office of Equal Opportunity to resolve issues of whistleblower retaliation, discrimination, and other such complaints, but OEO is a wholly-owned subsidiary of the New York City Department of Education and is not neutral in it's determination of probable cause.OEO's new Director, Mecca Santana (pictured above), denies complaints without explanation, siding with the NYC DOE on every issue.
In New York City, tenured teachers are being removed from their classrooms and positions by Principals and administrators suddenly and, in many cases, without probable cause. In fact, the entire structure of the New York City Department/Board of Education is intertwined with the General Counsel and the lawyers working in the Office of Legal Services. It's hard to separate the two, and this is one of the biggest problems with Mayoral control as it now stands in New York City. The New York City Board of Education ("NYC BOE") keeps all documents and information secret under the description "Attorney Client Privilege".

The entire process is fueled, edited, created, guided, and managed, by the lawyers at the Office of General Counsel, or the group that I call "The Gotcha Squad". A peek into this highly secret world wherein a person is framed and set up to be terminated can be seen in the documents of a teacher in Staten Island, found in his file. He has given me permission to use these documents as they are so explosive, and show the fraud that is known as charging teachers in NYC. A principal, here James McKeon, supposedly finds "Just Cause" when indeed it is not his finding at all, but that of the attorneys at 51 Chambers Street, the Gotcha Squad. See on p. 4 that McKeon is NOT supposed to discuss any of the making up of the charges by Theresa Europe and her crew.
 The end result of the secret exchanges can be seen by clicking this sentence.
The reason for Joel Klein's lack of contract as Chancellor (See my article "The Who Are You Kidding?? Award Goes To: Joel Klein, New York City Board of Education Pretender") is to pursue secrecy within the NYC BOE by establishing him as the Attorney for the NYC BOE, not the Chancellor. Thus he has the ability to refrain from handing over documents if he deems these papers "Attorney Client Work Product" (see here as well). Federal laws take second place to secrecy. Also, the Corporation Counsel prevents any Plaintiffs from deposing Joel Klein if he is sued officially and individually on the grounds that he is the Attorney for the Board of Education.


It is obvious that the Mayor has total control over every part of the public school governance structure. A tenured teacher has no rights at all, and can be removed as easily as a non-tenured teacher or any employee. The tenured teachers have holding pens called temporary re-assignment centers or "rubber rooms". There are currently 7 such places located throughout New York City. A teacher may end up re-assigned because a principal may decide that he/she doesnt like him/her, must remove a him/her because he/she is talking about crimes being committed in the school, or must remove a him/her because he/she is earning a salary that is very high due to more than 20 years in the system, etc. The real reason may be that the teacher is too old, too fat, too short, wears red, doesn't wear red, and other such nonsense.

The principal makes the decision who stays and who goes, and this decision-making is done secretly with emails to/from the principal and the TPU, and the teacher being placed on the ineligible/inquiry list. To start, read the letter sent by Florrie Chapin, Director of the Teacher Performance Unit. You can see that a Principal is the driving force behind a teacher's termination, and the documentation that the TPU gets is based upon what the Principal sends to the Unit. Ask yourself this question: if a teacher has received commendations and satisfactory ratings, what is there in the process that could stop a Principal from discarding these positive reviews, or simply not sending them to a TPU attorney? Records tampering is rampant throughout the NYC DOE.
freedom of information request was filed to obtain the TAC memos that were emailed to/from the TPU lawyers, Elizabeth "Betsy" Arons (NOT me) and Florie Chapin, Director of the TPU, and received 79 pages of emails as well as the names of the TPU lawyers (the "Gotcha Squad") was received .  The way the process works is this: after a principal requests a TAC, the charges are prepared, and the teacher is declared "incompetent" without his/her knowing anything about it. The TAC is considered privileged information and the teacher, about whom the TAC is about, will not be able to obtain these memos.

Tenured teachers who have been given more than one U (unsatisfactory) rating and have not "improved" according to random standards of the administration, are declared incompetent, and then they become the focus of the Teacher Performance Unit or TPU. The TPU is a group of lawyers who work in the Administrative Trials Unit (ATU) of the New York City Board of Education.

The ATU is described below on the NYC BOE website:

The Administrative Trials Unit is responsible for the prosecution of disciplinary cases.

ATU is available for trainings and advice on how to discipline a tenured employee or permanent civil servant and also to review documentation as it relates to the discipline process. If appropriate, ATU may draft charges under Education Law, Section 3020-a or Section 75 of the Civil Service Law against the subject employee. This process entails a joint effort by the principal and/or supervisor along with the ATU attorney to litigate a case against the employee either for the purposes of progressive discipline or to seek the employee's termination. Should you seek charges, you must schedule a Technical Assistance Conference (TAC) with ATU for a complete review of the employee's personnel file and any related discussions.

Theresa Europe , Director
(212) 374-6749
TEurope@schools.nyc.gov


Patria Frias-Colon , Deputy Director
(212) 374-6754
pfrias@schools.nyc.gov
Patria, (pictured above) originally from the Dominican Republic, is a proud wife and mother of three children. Patria serves as the Assistant Deputy Counsel to the Chancellor at the New York City Department of Education, an organization that services 1.1 million children. She holds a Bachelors Degree from the University of Rochester and a Law Degree from Hofstra University. In addition to working for City government, Patria is also an adjunct professor at St. John's University School of Education where she teaches a course on the legal aspects of school administration.

want to work there? Here is the personnel ad:

Teacher Performance Unit Litigation Attorney
Tracking Code 6036
Job Description

Position Summary: Under the direction of the Office of the General Counsel, with wide latitude for independent action, the Teacher Performance Unit Litigation Attorney serves as a legal representative of the Chancellor, performing sophisticated legal work on disciplinary matters under the Children First reforms and providing training and counsel to school leaders. This team of attorneys will be assigned to handle special disciplinary proceedings as part of a teacher quality initiative and will have the opportunity to work on key policy initiatives in conjunction with the Office of Labor Policy.

Reports to: Executive Deputy Counsel

RESPONSIBILITIES

* Handles legal issues and cases including recommendations concerning determining the soundness of charges, preparing specification of charges, coordinating the gathering of evidence, and briefing witnesses.
* Manages legal cases that are complex and high-profile in nature.
* Represents the New York City Department in Education on Law 3020a proceedings and hearings pursuant to Section 75 of the Civil Service Law.
* As part of a team of attorneys, helps devise strategies for providing improved support and training to school leaders around evaluation and discipline, and for spurring the improvement or removal of poor performers.
* Provides support to school leaders, counsel and training to Superintendents, Principals, and their designees on disciplinary procedures with an emphasis on documenting incompetence and poor performance.
* Acts as liaison to executives within the Department and to members of other City agencies.

QUALIFICATIONS

Minimum Requirements

Admission to the New York State Bar AND three (3) years of progressively responsible United Sates legal experience subsequent to admission to any state bar.

NOTE: Selected candidates must remain members of the New York State Bar in good standing for the duration of their employment.

Preferred

* Litigation experience.
* Excellent research, analytic and communication skills.
* Ability to rapidly understand provisions of applicable law and regulations.
* Ability to write clearly and concisely.

Salary: $75,962+

Resumes will be reviewed on an ongoing basis. We encourage applicants to apply as soon as possible. Applicants must submit a cover letter and resume to be considered for this position.

NOTE: The filling of all positions is subject to budget availability.

The New York City Board of Education (NYC BOE) has this description on the website:

Teacher Performance Unit

This letter and the accompanying materials are to familiarize you with the New York City Department of Education’s new Teacher Performance and Labor Support Units.

The Teacher Performance Unit(“TPU”) is a new unit comprised of experienced attorneys who will litigate incompetence cases against ineffective tenured pedagogues. This unit will provide counsel to principals and other school officials in connection with the preparation and litigation of 3020-a disciplinary charges involving allegations of incompetence. (See LEXIS/NEXUS for a detailed overview). TPU’s goal is to help principals improve teacher quality in their schools by bringing and litigating these cases in a thorough, expeditious and effective manner.

The Labor Support Unit (“LSU”) is comprised of education consultants who will work in partnership with TPU to provide direct support to principals who are confronted with ineffective tenured pedagogues. The goal of LSU is to work with the principal to help them design support plans for ineffective tenured pedagogues, to provide guidance and general assistance to the principal; to assist the principal in organizing the documentation; to conduct additional observations upon request of the principal; and to coordinate with the Peer Intervention-Plus (PIP+) Program and Teacher Performance Unit.

To greater assist your understanding of the process I have included a brief summary of TPU’s procedures and policies:

First, if you wish to discuss the case either formally or informally with a representative of TPU, please contact the Teacher Performance Unit at the Office of the General Counsel. To schedule a Technical Assistance Conference (“TAC” or “case conference”) please submit, by fax or email a completed TAC request form. (The TAC Request Form is included in this packet of supporting documents.)

Once a TAC has been scheduled, the principal or another school official should submit to TPU a completed TPU principal checklist (also included in the packet) along with the requested supporting documentation. To expedite the process, please ensure all the documentation has been forwarded to TPU prior to the date of the case conference. The pedagogue’s entire personnel file, all rating sheets (including any which document satisfactory ratings), along with the accompanying letters to the file, and the observation reports to support the unsatisfactory rating are key pieces of evidence. In addition, all the materials demonstrating the Department’s efforts at remediation and offers of professional development should be included in the packet (a sample is included in the packet).

During the case conference, the TPU Director and staff attorneys will meet with the principal to discuss the relevant documentation, and provide advice and guidance. After the case has been carefully reviewed a determination will be made by TPU in consultation with the principal whether to commence the 3020-a process at that time. If TPU decides to accept the case a letter will be sent to the principal indicating that the tenured pedagogue will be charged. At such time, TPU will recommend that the teacher be removed from the classroom and assigned to administrative duties. If a principal requests that a pedagogue be removed for incompetence prior to a TAC with TPU, that request must be approved by the TPU Director, and such requests will be reviewed on an expedited basis.

Alternatively, if a determination is made that the case should not proceed forward, a letter will be sent to the principal indicating the reasons and advising the principal on what action should be taken next. In such instances, TPU and LSU will continue to offer high quality and responsive support to the principal, which will include providing ineffective tenured teachers with quality professional development.

On behalf of TPU, I look forward to working with each of you in the future. Should you have any questions about the materials provided in this packet, the TAC process, or if you have other questions, please feel free to contact me. Sincerely,
Florrie Chapin
Director, Teacher Performance Unit

A New Effort to Remove Bad Teachers
By ELISSA GOOTMAN, NY TIMES, Nov. 15, 2007




The Bloomberg administration is beginning a drive to remove unsatisfactory teachers, hiring new teams of lawyers and consultants who will help principals build cases against tenured teachers who they believe are not up to the job. It is also urging principals to get rid of sub-par novices before they earn tenure.

At the center of the effort is a new Teacher Performance Unit of five lawyers, headed by a former prosecutor fresh from convicting a former private school principal who had a sexual relationship with a student.

A separate team of five consultants, including former principals, will work with principals to improve struggling teachers’ performance. In cases where the teachers fail to get better, the consultants will help amass the documentation necessary to oust them.

The plans, at a cost of $1 million a year, are described in a memo and an accompanying letter to principals from Schools Chancellor Joel I. Klein. In the letter, he urged principals to help teachers improve but added, “When action must be taken, the disciplinary system for tenured teachers is so time-consuming and burdensome that what is already a stressful task becomes so onerous that relatively few principals are willing to tackle it. As a result, in a typical year only about one-hundredth of 1 percent of tenured teachers are removed for ineffective performance.

“This issue simply must be tackled,” he wrote.

In the memo, Dan Weisberg, the Education Department’s chief executive for labor policy and implementation, wrote that the Teacher Performance Unit “represents a significant infusion of resources that will ensure we have the capacity to seek the removal of all ineffective tenured teachers who, in spite of receiving the time and support sufficient to allow them to substantially improve, won’t or can’t do it.”

The unit, Mr. Weisberg wrote, “will also allow us to seek discipline where appropriate in a wider range of cases than before.” The unit is being run by Florence Chapin, a former Manhattan assistant district attorney.

Randi Weingarten, the president of the city’s teachers union, the United Federation of Teachers, called the lawyers a “teacher gotcha unit” and said she found it “disgusting” that the Education Department would issue such a memo after the release of new school report cards that bluntly grade schools A through F.

“We’ve always been concerned that the first thing that would happen after somebody put out progress reports would be principals would go after teachers,” Ms. Weingarten said. “Basically, it’s signaling to principals that rather than working to support teachers, the school system is going to give you a way to try to get rid of teachers.”

New York City has roughly 80,000 public school teachers, and once they receive tenure it is notoriously difficult to remove them, because of the union contract and state labor law, which guards the rights of tenured public employees with an elaborate process of hearings and appeals.

Only about 10 to 15 tenured teachers a year leave the system after being charged with incompetence. Other teachers are removed for outright misconduct.

More than 700 school employees, mostly teachers, are now assigned to centers known as “rubber rooms,” after having been removed from the classroom. While school officials say those employees are under investigation or at some stage in the disciplinary process, teachers’ union officials say that many have had no charges filed against them.

Mr. Klein has long spoken out against three poles of the civil service system for teachers — seniority rights, lifetime tenure and lock-step pay.

The city and Ms. Weingarten recently agreed on a plan to reward teachers for outstanding performance by allowing successful schools to compete for bonuses that would allow them to dole out extra pay to teachers.

The push to remove bad teachers represents the flip side of the equation and comes as the city is less than a year into an effort to get principals to more rigorously review probationary teachers who are up for tenure.

Mr. Weisberg said in an interview that he did not know how many tenured teachers would be removed. He said there “probably will be an increase” in incompetence charges.

“I believe very strongly that the number of these struggling tenured teachers is very small compared to the total number of teachers, but even if it is 1 percent, even if it is half of 1 percent, we have to address it,” he said.

Since the mayor earlier this year announced a more rigorous tenure review process for probationary teachers, the numbers denied tenure at the end of the three-year probationary period has increased modestly.

Since late March, when the new system started, 66 probationary teachers were denied tenure , or 1.3 percent of those eligible. In the previous school year tenure was denied to 25 teachers, or .5 percent of those eligible.

In addition, 115 teachers had their probationary period extended this year, up from 30 in the previous year.

Mr. Weisberg’s memo also described a new program, agreed to by the teachers union, under which principals can call upon teachers from outside the school system to spend three months observing tenured teachers in danger of being disciplined for incompetence.

The memo said that while the outside teachers may help floundering teachers, their written evaluations would also “likely carry a great deal of weight in disciplinary proceedings seeking the teacher’s termination.”

New Monastic Individuals

Thursday, November 15, 2007
The Teacher Performance Unit
By Roger Conway (pictured at left)

Here we go again. Yet again another game plan has been offered to cure the ills of American education, especially urban education. New York City's Bloomberg administration is implementing the the Teacher performance Unit to help principals "build cases against tenured teachers who they believe are not up to the job." This seems like old hash warmed over, but the new ingredient is that they are bringing in "teams" of lawyers and "consultants" (including former principals!) to worm their way around the state and federal work laws so they can "improve" everything. This quantitative approach will also apply to those teachers applying for tenure whose applications languish in bureaucratic limbo, because they, too, have been deemed not ("quite", I guess) "up to the job." And what is the bottom line for this panacea? $1,000,000 per year.

A definition is in order. Here it is from the mule's mouth: The Teacher Performance Unit "represents a significant infusion of resources that will ensure we have the capacity to seek the removal of all ineffective teachers who, in spite of receiving the time and support sufficient to allow them to substantially improve, won't or can't do it." I guess the composer of this statement had trouble with split infinitives and the basics of syntax in middle school English. Or a demon not-up-to-the-job teacher short-changed him or her.

Let's forget all the obvious stuff that's been harangued over forever, like using the system to settle in-house political differences, using it for personal punitive reasons, using it for blackmail, using it against burned out teachers, etc. Let's do something these government administration people have not yet thought about. Let's try to understand the elements of a school's culture that have a direct impact on teacher performance.
1. The culture of the community that the school serves. What are the behavioral norms of the community? What are the community's expectations of the schools responsibilities beyond effective learning of subject matter (such as providing meals, contraceptives, psychological counseling, warehousing of non- and reluctant learners, etc.)?
2. The culture of the school. (This is the one nobody, especially those with degrees in "educational leadership", including "former principals" want to talk about.) What is the learning milieu of the school building? (Sorry, sometimes French is all that will do.) Do the students, teachers and administrators have the same reasons for being there, namely that education is the only important thing that goes on there? Is anything less important ruled out of final decisions? Do teachers understand that each has special value and that that value can be shared uncompromisingly with their colleagues, teachers and administrators alike? Are experiments in teaching techniques encouraged? Are they facilitated financially and structurally? Is each student considered a learner or merely an integer?
3. $1 million for "the removal of ineffective teachers" speaks volumes. Please understand. As both student and teacher, I know about ineffective teachers, But I also know that learning to be effective requires both #1 and #2. I began my career in an inner city system. It offered only negative guidance; do this or else, and don't do that. The following year I went to a suburban school and worked 2 years in a specialized program, which involved me doing the verbal skills academic support of a vocational training program. My job: Get the students to articulate clearly in English. I had free rein to experiment. From there I went to a more exclusive suburb (i.e., more $$$ per family) and worked as part of a team to build a K-12 writing program (the community gave financial and structural support, and it expected competitive learning to occur at all grade levels to get its children into the highest competitive colleges…case closed, any questions?). That experience was inspiring, and the teachers, with full encouragement and support from administrators, gave their full energies to make it work.

The Teacher Performance Unit scheme also includes bonuses to reward schools and to allow them "to dole out" (what a revealing choice of word!) extra pay to teachers. That's the old toss of the bone, so typical of the quantitative approach. And I think bonuses are OK. Once you figure out how to distinguish among good, better and best teachers, you can go ahead and implement them. But first, let's take care of numbers 1, 2 and 3. Use the cool million to deal with the really tough stuff about excellence in learning.

And finally, regarding No Child Left Behind, has anyone figured out where the ones who are not left behind are going? Are they all going to college? The students I had in the vocational ed. program couldn't wait to get into the auto repair and auto body shops. If we're preparing students to be all that they can be, let's remember those students.

The entire ATU/TPU/TAC process infuriated the UFT leadership. The UFT voted to condemn the TPU.



The problem is, well...one of the problems is: what does "incompetence" mean? Who defines whether or not a teacher is, really, "incompetent"? The No Child Left Behind legislation requires that every classroom have a highly qualified teacher in every classroom. The problem with this is, what does the term “highly qualified” mean? A person with one or more advanced degrees? What about if this teacher is certified to teach french, but the Principal places him/her in a biology class?

Who is a “good” teacher and who is a “bad” teacher? Anyone with children knows a good teacher from a bad teacher. I have four children and to me, a "good" teacher is a person who makes the curriculum interesting, understandable, and encourages my daughters to seek information about the subject as well as to work hard and do their personal best. 'Good teaching' is always a subjective opinion which can only be judged by someone who sits inside the classroom, and incompetence cannot be proven by one person at an administrative trial nor can it be determined by one person - a principal or AP - in one visit or with an agenda (i.e. to get rid of the teacher).

We have no ‘American standard’ to help us define what it means to be a “good” teacher, other than to record the scores on standardized tests of students in each class. There are thousands of reports on how this happens, but in the end, defining a “good” performance is always a subjective judgment.

The parents of public school children and the teachers of the public schools in NYC know that Mayor Bloomberg and NYC BOE CEO Joel Klein dont want anyone to have any power over educational policy decisions except them, and their people. Read my article "Editorial: The New York City Department of Education is a Sham and Mike Bloomberg is the Flim-Flam Man" So they designed a process which I call the "rubberization" process to remove anyone from his or her job for any reason, at any time. Mr. Klein, not an educator, was brought in to be CEO (he is not chancellor because he has no contract) in order to be the Attorney for the NYC Department of Education and squash any and all efforts to make the DOE transparent or accountable to the public. Teachers who sue Mr. Klein individually and officially never get to depose him because the NY State Supreme Court says that he is the Attorney for the DOE/BOE ( the name New York City Board of Education was never changed legally) and therefore information must be kept confidential between Principals, administrators, and the Corporation Counsel, Office of Legal Services, as well as the ATU.

Thus, the reason for the Technical Assistance Conference or TAC, in which the employee is not involved.

UFT
Know your rights
Disciplinary action and false accusations

LINK
Feb 19, 2009 10:17 AM

Despite many attempts to undercut it, section 3020-a of the State Education Law provides for due process before a tenured pedagogue can be disciplined, including termination for charges such as incompetence, insubordination, corporal punishment or sexual misconduct.

If the New York City Department of Education serves you with disciplinary charges pursuant to Education Law Section 3020-a, you should immediately contact your UFT borough office. The UFT will assist you in filing the necessary forms and arrange, if you choose, for you to be assigned legal counsel from the New York State United Teachers. A Hearing Officer jointly agreed upon by the UFT and DOE will conduct a hearing. If the hearing officer finds you guilty of any of the charges, discipline can be imposed. The discipline may range from a written reprimand, monetary fine or suspension without pay to the loss of your job. If you are terminated, you will also lose your New York City teaching license(s). However, your permanent state certifications cannot be revoked without another hearing.



In some cases, teachers awaiting charges are removed from their schools and assigned to Temporary Reassignment Centers until the investigations are complete or their cases are adjudicated in a 3020-a proceeding. A recent agreement between the UFT and DOE states that, absent unusual circumstances, allegations being investigated by principals will not result in an employee being removed from his or her school. The agreement also requires that an employee be notified of the grounds for his or her reassignment or that an employee is being investigated by the special commissioner of investigation (SCI). In the agreement, the DOE states that it will diligently attempt to complete all investigations by the chancellor’s Office of Special Investigations within 90 days. Further, you must be formally charged within six months from being reassigned or returned to your school unless you are being investigated by the SCI or your case involves criminal charges. If you are returned to your school after six months, the DOE may still bring disciplinary charges against you.

You are paid while you are reassigned except if you were found guilty or pled guilt to any felony. Also, the DOE can request a special hearing to determine whether there is sufficient evidence that you engaged in serious misconduct such as any actions that would constitute: 1. a felony involving a controlled substance; 2. a crime involving physical abuse of a student or minor; 3. a felony committed on school property or while performing duties; 4. a felony involving a firearm; or 5. serious sexual misconduct with a student or a minor such as sexual touching, verbal abuse of a sexual nature, solicitation of a relationship and possession of child pornography. If a specially appointed arbitrator determines there is sufficient evidence that you engaged in such conduct, you can be suspended without pay for up to two or three months.

Bring a union representative to any interrogation

If you are summoned for an interview by your principal or another DOE employee that may lead to disciplinary action, you are entitled to be accompanied by a union representative (or a representative employed by the school system). These are called “Weingarten Rights” (no relation to the UFT president). An interview that is not held in accordance with these procedures cannot be made part of your DOE personnel or school file, and any statements you make at such an interview cannot be used against you in any DOE proceeding.

Aside from the principal, the chancellor’s Office of Special Investigations and the special commissioner of investigation regularly seek to interview educators. The allegations investigated by the SCI usually involve potential criminal activity, financial fraud and other serious matters. Sometimes, the chancellor’s Office of Personnel Investigations (OPI) or Office of Equal Opportunity (OEO) will ask a member for a statement and, occasionally, even the police will go to a school. Regardless of who has summoned you to appear, the UFT generally recommends that you not answer any questions that could lead to disciplinary or legal action being taken without proper representation. If you are summoned to an investigatory interview, you should immediately ask your chapter leader and UFT district representative for assistance. If you are summoned to OSI, OPI or OEO, your UFT district representative or borough office will provide a representative to attend the interview with you. If you are summoned by SCI, your UFT district representative or borough office will arrange for a criminal attorney to attend the interview with you. If OPI asks for a written statement, your UFT district representative or borough office will arrange for an attorney to assist you in writing it.

Corporal punishment

State Education Department regulations and Chancellor’s Regulation A-420 prohibit the use of physical force against students. Some staffers have been charged with that offense for having physical contact with a student, such as when breaking up a fight. In general, you should attempt to defuse a student altercation by using verbal, rather than physical, means. However, you may use physical force in self-defense or to protect a person or school property. If you are accused of corporal punishment, speak with your chapter leader or district representative immediately and ask for union help.

Many of the allegations of corporal punishment are investigated by the employee’s supervisor. We strongly recommend that you do not speak to the principal and/or any investigator without a union representative present, even if the allegation is false.

False accusations

If you are accused of sexual misconduct or physical abuse involving students and it is determined that the allegations were knowingly false when they were made, the DOE must remove all references to the allegations from your DOE personnel file, restore any lost pay with interest, and permanently reassign the student from your class absent compelling and extraordinary circumstances. The agreement makes clear that the disciplinary process should never be used to retaliate against whistle-blowers or for any other illegal reason. It goes on to state that all employees who make a knowingly false allegation shall be subject to discipline.

Verbal abuse

Chancellor’s regulations prohibit verbal abuse of students, which includes using language that causes fear or physical or mental distress; using language that denotes race, ethnicity, religion, gender, disability or sexual orientation which tends to cause fear or mental distress; threatening physical harm; or belittling or ridiculing students.

If you are accused of verbal abuse, you should immediately notify your chapter leader or district representative. Consult Chancellor’s Regulation A-421 for additional information. Among other things, the regulation requires your principal to inform the staff about what constitutes verbal abuse. If accusations of verbal abuse are found to be unsubstantiated, all references to the accusations must be removed from your DOE file.

Saturday, March 7, 2009

Robert Freeman, Director of the NYS Committee On Open Government, Refuses to Address the Illegal Activities of the PEP

The Panel For Educational Policy is not a "school board", has appointed members only, and terminates teachers at Executive Sessions before the "public meeting" begins. The PEP also does not publish an agenda for the public, nor do they post the minutes of the meetings. The public should attend the PEP meetings, because this is the moment at which anyone can see Joel Klein's disdain and dislike for the people of New York City.

The New York Times could not have been more wrong about the new policy panel (Anemona has never gone against the powerful New York City administration, even to the extent of covering up the corruption of not only the education fraud, but New York City judicial corruption in State Supreme, Manhattan Surrogate, And the Appellate Courts):

July 19, 2002
Politics Absent As Mayor Picks School Panelists
By ANEMONA HARTOCOLLIS, NY TIMES

"Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg revealed his appointees to a new educational policy panel yesterday that is a central element of mayoral control of the New York City schools, selecting a group that is distinctly less political than the old Board of Education.

Mr. Bloomberg immediately sought to ensure that they would not indulge in the infighting and grandstanding of the past by instructing them to keep a low profile. He said the panel's job was to serve as a ''sounding board'' for the chancellor.

''I do not expect to see their names -- ever -- in the press answering a question either on the record or off the record,'' Mr. Bloomberg said. ''That's exactly what's wrong with the current system.'' If it happened, he said, ''I would not tolerate it for 30 seconds.''

Pressed to elaborate, he said, ''They don't have to speak, and they don't have to serve. That's what serving 'at the pleasure' means.''

All seven mayoral appointees, while not household names, are well-regarded in the fields of business, culture, academia and health. They are the kind of accomplished people Mr. Bloomberg might invite to a soiree at his Upper East Side townhouse.

Mr. Bloomberg trumpeted the panel's diversity. There is one white male, and one white female; there is a black male and a black female; there are two Hispanic women, one Dominican and one Puerto Rican; and there is an Asian man.

As the appointees stood behind Mr. Bloomberg in the Blue Room of City Hall, he said a few friendly remarks about each one of what he called ''seven distinguished New Yorkers.'' He stumbled over the name of Augusta Souza Kappner, president of Bank Street College of Education, reddening as he blurted that to her friends she is known as Gussie.

It was a marked shift from the often adversarial tone of the relationship between mayors, chancellors and Boards of Education in the past. But it did lead some people in the audience to wonder whether constructive voices of dissent would be suppressed.

''The policy board has a public responsibility,'' said Randi Weingarten, president of the United Federation of Teachers, who watched the announcement of the appointments from the audience. ''That means,'' Ms. Weingarten continued, ''that they are accountable to the public.'' She said, however, that she thought the mayor's intention was to avoid the political machinations of the past.

None of the panelists appear to be in Mr. Bloomberg's political debt. Mr. Bloomberg jocularly noted that one of them, Richard L. Menschel, a senior director of Goldman Sachs, had offered the future mayor his first job when he moved to New York. Mr. Bloomberg did not take the job.

The panelists are sharply different from past members of the Board of Education, which was often made up of political allies appointed by the borough presidents and the mayor.

For instance, Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani appointed his deputy mayor, Ninfa Segarra, to be a board member, in what was widely perceived as a blatantly political combination, and then helped engineer her ascension to president. Now, however, the new state law giving Mr. Bloomberg control of the schools forbids city employees to serve on the panel.

''He obviously wanted people who didn't need the stipend that the old board had, and who would be people who are for the most part too busy to come to a lot of meetings,'' said Diane Ravitch, the education historian.

''I just don't know just what they do,'' she added.

Three panelists have had children in the public schools: Mr. Menschel, whose wife, Ronay, was a deputy mayor in the Koch administration; Dr. Kappner, mother of recent graduate of Urban Academy, a progressive high school on the Upper East Side; and Ramona Hernandez, director of the Dominican Studies Institute at the City University of New York, whose son graduated from Stuyvesant High School.

The powers of the new 13-member Panel for Educational Policy, as it has been renamed, are somewhat vague. It can advise on policy; it must meet 12 time a year, and it can vote on the school system's budget.

As Mr. Bloomberg relished pointing out yesterday, they are all volunteers, stripped of the $15,000 stipends, offices, cars, drivers, personal assistants and other perks that the old board received.

And they serve at the pleasure of the mayor, which means they can be dismissed at any time.

It was not clear yesterday, city officials said, whether with nine current members -- including chancellor Harold O. Levy -- the board had a legal quorum to meet and function. Staten Island has appointed a member, Joan McKeever-Thomas, a parent leader in the public schools there, but the other four borough presidents have not.

But Mr. Bloomberg said he had a room ready for them anytime in the Tweed Courthouse behind City Hall, which he intends to convert into the headquarters for the school system.

Several panelists did linger to talk. Dr. Kappner said she thought Mr. Bloomberg was trying to instill team spirit and morale, but added, ''I don't feel that in any way inhibits me from speaking out on education.''

Correction: July 20, 2002, Saturday A grouping of biographical sketches yesterday for Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg's appointees to a new educational policy panel misstated a former title of one appointee, Dr. Augusta Souza Kappner. She was an assistant federal education secretary, not an assistant housing secretary. The sketches also misstated the location of El Museo del Barrio, where another appointee, Susana Torruella Leval, is director emeritus. It is in East Harlem, not the Bronx. The sketches also referred incorrectly to the tenure of Philip A. Berry, another appointee, as a trustee on the City University of New York Construction Fund. He still serves there."

Here is the page on the NYC BOE website labelled "olddefault". Oh, by the way, none of the described duties and responsibilities are factual, and Michael Best has written to me and others that the PEP has "no executive or administrative function":

olddefault
The Mayor appoints eight of the members of the Panel for Educational Policy, including the Chancellor. Five other members are appointed by the borough presidents and must be parents of children in the New York City public schools. The panel’s responsibilities include approving standards, policies, objectives, and regulations that are directly related to educational achievement and student performance, as well as certain contracts, an estimated annual operating budget, and the DOE capital plan.

The panel holds a public meeting every month, which always includes a public comment section. Every parent can attend the monthly meeting to learn about DOE policies and express his or her opinion to the Chancellor and the other members of the panel.


Common Good, a clone of Proskauer Rose, had this to say (click into the link at the end for more information and you will get an "error":

Panel For Educational Policy Directives and Resolutions

The Panel for Educational Policy (formerly the Board of Education) has the statutory authority to review and approve all standards, policies, objectives and regulations of the Chancellor directly related to educational achievement and student performance, and to approve contracts and litigation settlements "that would significantly impact the provision of educational services or programming within the district." Despite recent reforms substantially expanding the power of the Chancellor, while reducing the authority of the Panel, the Panel retains authority over city-wide educational policies. (§§ 2590-g(1, 4-6))

The Panel has passed recent resolutions relating to:

* Continuing the policy that minors must attend school from age 6 until the end of the school year in which the child turns 17. (This policy is allowed under NYEL § 3205(3))
* Continuing authorization of all licenses issued by the Chancellor (in accordance with NYEL § 2590-g(2).
* Adjusting the structure of the retirement board. The adjusted structure was submitted to the retirement board for approval.
* Extending the high school day by 20 minutes, to be used exclusively for instructional purposes.
* Approval of the Chancellor's Comprehensive Instructional Approach for instruction in reading, writing and math, which involves the assignment of reading and math coaches to each school, a requirement that high schools devote 90 minutes per day to reading and writing, and other requirements for various grade levels.
* Authorizing the Chancellor to implement a system-wide instructional strategy for children with special learning needs.
* Approval of amendments to the five-year educational facilities capital plan (drafted by the chancellor pursuant to § 2590-p).

Read more about the Panel for Educational Policy.

On Google you can get the email addresses of the original cast:

New York City Panel for Educational Policy
Email contact information

LINK

Panel for Education Policy (Mayoral appointees have an * next to their names:

*Mr. Joel I. Klein, Chancellor, email: JKlein@nycboe.net, phone: 212-374-5110.
Ms. Evita Belmonte, Queens representative, email: ebelmonte@queensbp.org, phone: 718-286-2625.
Ms. Natalie Gomez-Velez, Bronx representative, email: ngomez@courts.state.ny.us, phone: 914-997-7594.
Ms. Martine Guerrier, Brooklyn representative, email: MGuerrier@brooklynbp.org
Ms. Jacquelyn Kamin, Manhattan representative, email: jkamin@manhattanbp.org, phone: 212-669-8166.
Ms. Joan Correale, Staten Island representative.
* Mr. Alan D. Aviles.
*Mr. Philip A. Berry, VP, Colgate Palmolive, email: philip_berry@COLPAL.com, phone: 212-310-2947.
*Dr. David C. Chang, President, Brooklyn Polytechnic Univ., email: chang@poly.edu, phone: 718-260-3500.
*Mr. Tino Hernandez.
*Dr. Augusta Souza Kappner, President of Bank St. College, email: ask@bnkst.edu
*Mr. Richard L. Menschel, Senior Director of Goldman Sachs, email: richard.menschel@gs.com, phone: 212-902-8133.
*Ms. Marita Regan, former D22 administrator (phone and email unavailable).

(Last updated: March 18, 2004)

All the members of the PEP, past and present, withhold information from the public (Patrick Sullivan announced this at a September 18, 2008 meeting with Liz Krueger), and all are knowingly violating Open Meetings Law. Why no one says anything is anyone's guess. (If you have any insight into why all these people would want to violate their integrity, please email me at betsy.combier@gmail.com, anonymously if you prefer).


Joel Klein arrogantly flaunts his illegal set up, and Robert Freeman, Director of the Committee on Open Government, has refused my request for advice on the violation of Open Meetings Law.

Below is a series of emails I sent pursuant to FOIL. I have not heard back from Mr. Freeman about an advisory opinion on the Executive Session issue. It has now been 5 months since I asked him for an opinion. My guess is he does not want to give one, which would be that Joel Klein and Mike Bloomberg are violating open meetings law. Luckily he has given his opinion xecutive Sessions in other cases see also 2403; 2408; 2418; 2426; 2928; 3339.

From: Betsy [mailto:betsy@parentadvocates.org]
Sent: Tuesday, October 10, 2006 4:36 PM
To: 'SHoltzm@nycboe.net'; 'Michael Best'; 'JKlein@schools.nyc.gov'
Cc: 'RFreeman@dos.state.ny.us'; 'MFeinbe@schools.nyc.gov'; 'jrusso@schools.nyc.gov'; 'AbGolden@law.nyc.gov'; 'LKoerner@law.nyc.gov'; 'Longoria Carragher Arlene'; 'betsy@parentadvocates.org'; 'TCrane@law.nyc.gov'; 'MFeinbe@schools.nyc.gov'; 'jrusso@schools.nyc.gov'
Subject: Press FOIL Request from the E-Accountability Foundation

The E-Accountability Foundation
Parentadvocates.org

Betsy Combier, President
betsy@parentadvocates.org
VIA E-MAIL

October 10, 2006
Ms. Susan Holtzman, Mr. Michael Best, Chancellor Joel Klein
New York City Department of Education
52 Chambers Street
New York, NY 10007

Dear Ms.Holtzman, Mr. Best, and Chancellor Klein,

Under the provisions of the New York Freedom of Information Law, Article 6 of the Public Officers Law, I hereby request records or portions thereof pertaining to:

1) all resolutions, regulations, memoranda, policy bulletins, etc., on the distribution of tapes recorded during a Panel For Educational policy meeting
2) all resolutions, regulations, memoranda, policy bulletins, etc., describing the nature of the work carried out by the Panel For Educational Policy
3) all statutes referring to the legitimacy of holding Executive Session of The Panel For Educational Policy before the PEP meeting begins, as occurred on September 19, 2006
4) All resolutions, memoranda, statutes and policy giving members of the PEP the legal standing to vote on the termination of employment of a member of the UFT, without a hearing on the charges he/she was charged with, and without the UFT member present at the discussion during the Executive Session before the PEP meeting begins;

If there are any fees for copying the records requested, please inform me before filling the request.

As you know, the Freedom of Information Law requires that an agency respond to a request within five business days of receipt of a request. Therefore, I would appreciate a response as soon as possible and look forward to hearing from you shortly. If for any reason any portion of my request is denied, please inform me of the reasons for the denial in writing and provide the name and address of the person or body to whom an appeal should be directed.

Sincerely,
Betsy Combier

From: Freeman, Robert (DOS) [mailto:Robert.Freeman@dos.state.ny.us]
Sent: Monday, September 29, 2008 9:43 AM
To: Betsy
Subject: RE: Appeal of FOIL 5411


An opinion will be prepared. It is advised, however, that we have a substantial backlog of requests for opinions and that it may be several weeks before a response can be drafted.

Robert J. Freeman
Executive Director
Committee on Open Government
Department of State
One Commerce Plaza
Suite 650
99 Washington Avenue
Albany, NY 12231
Phone: (518)474-2518
Fax: (518)474-1927
Website: www.dos.state.ny.us/coog/coogwww.html

From: Betsy [mailto:betsy@parentadvocates.org]
Sent: Monday, September 29, 2008 8:31 AM
To: Freeman, Robert (DOS)
Cc: 'Betsy'; betsy.combier@gmail.com
Subject: FW: Appeal of FOIL 5411


Betsy Combier
Editor, Parentadvocates.org
September 29, 2008

Mr. Robert Freeman
Committee on Open Government

Dear Mr. Freeman,

I would like you to give me an advisory opinion on the two-year delay of the New York City Board of Education and Central Records Access Director Christine Kicinski concerning giving me the public documents requested from the Panel For Educational Policy, FOIL #5411.

Several years ago you told me that you did not know what the PEP was, and I can now tell you that the NYC BOE has set this panel up as a public entity, with public meetings. I have asked for the tapes of the meetings and have paid $5 after giving the NYCBOE a freedom of information request, which they have honored. Therefore, the PEP is a public meeting, subject to FOIL and Open Meetings Laws, and under your jurisdiction. Mr. Klein has said publicly that the PEP is the NYC “school board” and is a public meeting.

Mr. Patrick Sullivan, a member of the PEP appointed by Manhattan Borough Representative Scott Stringer, testified on September 18, 2008 at a conference with Senator Liz Krueger that he was told all the reports with numbers data on policies of the NYC BOE are being withheld until AFTER June 2009. He had a report with him, which he showed everyone. I will ask for the report as well as the transcript of his testimony in a few days.

My FOIL request dated October 10, 2006, has been given extensions approximately every several months (all the dates of extensions are given below in my September 1, 2008 email, corrected from the email sent last night:

“At this point due to the unethical multiple extentions of my original FOIL request, attached below, for PEP information #5411, I hereby appeal to Mr. Klein and Mr. Best, with a copy to Mr. Freeman, the constructive denial of public documents and documents that affect the public. Your extension emails are dated 4-23-07, 12-21-07, 1-29-08, 3-4-08, 4-3-08, 7-22-08, and 8-20-08 (not enclosed, as you must have copies).”

I request, therefore, your opinion on the two-year delay by the New York City Board of Education (alternatively, the New York City Department of Education) in providing me the documents that I requested under the Freedom of Information Law/Act.

Thank you for your consideration and response.

Betsy Combier
Editor, Parentadvocates.org
betsy@parentadvocates.org
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

From: Betsy [mailto:betsy@parentadvocates.org]
Sent: Monday, September 29, 2008 12:03 AM
To: 'Klein Joel I.'; 'mbest2@schools.nyc.gov'; 'Kicinski Christine J'; 'Longoria Carragher Arlene'; 'RFreeman@dos.state.ny.us'
Subject: Appeal of FOIL 5411

Betsy Combier
Parentadvocates.org
betsy@parentadvocates.org
September 28, 2008

Chancellor Joel I. Klein
JKlein@schools.nyc.gov

Michael Best, Esq.
MBest2@schools.nyc.gov

Christine J. Kicinski, Esq
CKicins@schools.nyc.gov

Ms. Arlene Longoria Carragher
ALongor@schools.nyc.gov

Appeal of FOIL # 5411
Dear Chancellor Klein, Mr. Best, Ms. Kicinski, and Ms. Carragher:

I am appealing your agency’s constructive denial of access to the information and documents I requested on October 10, 2006, FOIL # 5411, which is copied below:

VIA E-MAIL

Mr. Michael A. Cardozo
MCardozo@law.nyc.gov

The E-Accountability Foundation
betsy@parentadvocates.org

Mr. Robert J. Freeman
RFreeman@dos.state.ny.us

The E-Accountability Foundation
Parentadvocates.org
Betsy Combier, President
betsy@parentadvocates.org

VIA E-MAIL

October 10, 2006
Ms. Susan Holtzman, Mr. Michael Best, Chancellor Joel Klein

New York City Department of Education
52 Chambers Street
New York, NY 10007

Dear Ms.Holtzman, Mr. Best, and Chancellor Klein,

Under the provisions of the New York Freedom of Information Law, Article 6 of the Public Officers Law, I hereby request records or portions thereof pertaining to:

1) all resolutions, regulations, memoranda, policy bulletins, etc., on the distribution of tapes recorded during a Panel For Educational policy meeting

2) all resolutions, regulations, memoranda, policy bulletins, etc., describing the nature of the work carried out by the Panel For Educational Policy

3) all statutes referring to the legitimacy of holding Executive Session of The Panel For Educational Policy before the PEP meeting begins, as occurred on September 19, 2006

4) All resolutions, memoranda, statutes and policy giving members of the PEP the legal standing to vote on the termination of employment of a member of the UFT, without a hearing on the charges he/she was charged with, and without the UFT member present at the discussion during the Executive Session before the PEP meeting begins;

If there are any fees for copying the records requested, please inform me before filling the request.

As you know, the Freedom of Information Law requires that an agency respond to a request within five business days of receipt of a request. Therefore, I would appreciate a response as soon as possible and look forward to hearing from you shortly. If for any reason any portion of my request is denied, please inform me of the reasons for the denial in writing and provide the name and address of the person or body to whom an appeal should be directed.

Additionally, please take note that you never responded to the email below sent on September 1, 2008:

The practice of repeatedly advancing anticipated response dates for New York Freedom of Information Law (FOIL) requests ("serial extension letters") by the Office of Legal Services is neither authorized by FOIL, nor by the Regulations of the NYS Committee on Open Government.

This ongoing practice by the NYC Department of Education is, therefore, obviously being taken in flagrant disregard of Public Officers Law and NYCRR. An agency may issue one, and only one, "extension letter," according to the rules that I have read.

Here is the full text of §89(3)(a) of FOIL:

3. (a) Each entity subject to the provisions of this article, within five business days of the receipt of a written request for a record reasonably described, shall make such record available to the person requesting it, deny such request in writing or furnish a written acknowledgment of the receipt of such request and a statement of the approximate date, which shall be reasonable under the circumstances of the request, when such request will be granted or denied, including, where appropriate, a statement that access to the record will be determined in accordance with subdivision five of this section. An agency shall not deny a request on the basis that the request is voluminous or that locating or reviewing the requested records or providing the requested copies is burdensome because the agency lacks sufficient staffing or on any other basis if the agency may engage an outside professional service to provide copying, programming or other services required to provide the copy, the costs of which the agency may recover pursuant to paragraph (c) of subdivision one of section eighty-seven of this article. An agency may require a person requesting lists of names and addresses to provide a written certification that such person will not use such lists of names and addresses for solicitation or fund-raising purposes and will not sell, give or otherwise make available such lists of names and addresses to any other person for the purpose of allowing that person to use such lists of names and addresses for solicitation or fund-raising purposes. If an agency determines to grant a request in whole or in part, and if circumstances prevent disclosure to the person requesting the record or records within twenty business days from the date of the acknowledgement of the receipt of the request, the agency shall state, in writing, both the reason for the inability to grant the request within twenty business days and a date certain within a reasonable period, depending on the circumstances, when the request will be granted in whole or in part. Upon payment of, or offer to pay, the fee prescribed therefor, the entity shall provide a copy of such record and certify to the correctness of such copy if so requested, or as the case may be, shall certify that it does not have possession of such record or that such record cannot be found after diligent search. Nothing in this article shall be construed to require any entity to prepare any record not possessed or maintained by such entity except the records specified in subdivision three of section eighty-seven and subdivision three of section eighty-eight of this article. When an agency has the ability to retrieve or extract a record or data maintained in a computer storage system with reasonable effort, it shall be required to do so. When doing so requires less employee time than engaging in manual retrieval or redactions from non-electronic records, the agency shall be required to retrieve or extract such record or data electronically. Any programming necessary to retrieve a record maintained in a computer storage system and to transfer that record to the medium requested by a person or to allow the transferred record to be read or printed shall not be deemed to be the preparation or creation of a new record.

Here is the full text of §89(4)(a) of FOIL:

4. (a) Except as provided in subdivision five of this section, any person denied access to a record may within thirty days appeal in writing such denial to the head, chief executive or governing body of the entity, or the person therefor designated by such head, chief executive, or governing body, who shall within ten business days of the receipt of such appeal fully explain in writing to the person requesting the record the reasons for further denial, or provide access to the record sought. In addition, each agency shall immediately forward to the committee on open government a copy of such appeal when received by the agency and the ensuing determination thereon. Failure by an agency to conform to the provisions of subdivision three of this section shall constitute a denial.

Here is the full text of §1401.5(c)(4) of the Regulations of the NYS Committee on Open Government:

(4) if the receipt of request was acknowledged in writing and included an approximate date when the request would be granted in whole or in part within twenty business days of such acknowledgment, but circumstances prevent disclosure within that time, providing a statement in writing within twenty business days of such acknowledgment stating the reason for the inability to do so and a date certain, within a reasonable period under the circumstances of the request, when the request will be granted in whole or in part.

From now on, when the Department of Education finds it necessary to issue an "extension letter," please ensure that the anticipated response date cited in that letter, is the "date certain within a reasonable period, depending on the circumstances, when the request will be granted in whole or in part." "Date certain," of course, means the date by which a substantive determination will be issued, and that there will be no further "serial extension letters" forthcoming.

If I'm not mistaken, the Council of School Supervisors & Administrators (CSA) previously informed the NYS Supreme Court of the Department of Education's fondness of issuing "serial extension letters," accompanied by the failure to determine appeals. I have the entire file of case #120488/03.

At this point, there are a number of options:

1) The Department of Education immediately ends the practice of issuing serial "extension letters" and adheres to the letter and spirit of FOIL.

2) Chancellor Klein, Mr. Best, Ms. Kicinski, and the FOIL Unit staff supervised by them, all ensure that FOIL's time limits are complied with.

3) Either Chancellor Klein or Mr. Best determines any FOIL appeal alleging a failure to meet an original anticipated response date, or, if applicable, the new date that was cited within a single "extension letter."

4) I file an Article 78 with the NYS Supreme Court alleging a pattern of intentional procedural and substantive violations of FOIL and NYCRR.

5) I file a grievance with the Departmental Disciplinary Committee requesting an investigation of the aforementioned pattern, especially in light of the fact that the CSA already brought it to the attention of the NYS Supreme Court.

6) I file investigation requests with Commissioner of Education Richard P. Mills, the Board of Regents, and the NYS Commission of Investigation seeking detailed investigations of the aforementioned pattern.

Please inform me by close of business September 5, 2008, whether you are interested in resolving these matters amicably, with an eye to reaching a mutually acceptable solution.

At this point due to the unethical multiple extentions of my original FOIL request, attached below, for PEP information #5411, I hereby appeal to Mr. Klein and Mr. Best, with a copy to Mr. Freeman, the constructive denial of public documents and documents that affect the public. Your extension emails are dated 4-23-07, 12-21-07, 1-29-08, 3-4-08, 4-3-08, 7-22-08, and 8-20-08 (not enclosed, as you must have copies).

I must hear from you with an appointment to review and copy the documents requested no later than September 12, 2008.

You have 10 business days to fully explain in writing the reasons for further denial of access or to provide access to the records. Copies of all appeals and the determinations thereon must be sent by the agency to the Committee on Open Government (section 89(4)(a)). This requirement will enable the committee to monitor compliance with law and intercede when a denial of access may be improper.

Thank you for your consideration.

Betsy Combier

Thursday, March 5, 2009

Parents Fight the NYC BOE for The CECs, and a Voice in School Governance

Joel Klein's version of total control over New York City public schools is unravelling.

Of course many of my friends know that I continually insist that he is not "chancellor" because Education Law 2590-h says that the Chancellor of New York City Public Schools must have a contract. Joel Klein has no contract with terms of agreement on his position as 'chancellor'. Mr. Klein's performance is not evaluated by anyone.

New York Education Law
Education Law 2590-h

* § 2590-h. Powers and duties of chancellor. The office of chancellor
of the city district is hereby continued. Such chancellor shall serve at the pleasure of and be employed by the mayor of the city of New York by contract. The length of such contract shall not exceed by more than two years the term of office of the mayor authorizing such contract. The chancellor shall receive a salary to be fixed by the mayor within the budgetary allocation therefor. He or she shall exercise all his or her powers and duties in a manner not inconsistent with the city-wide educational policies of the city board. The chancellor shall have the following powers and duties as the superintendent of schools and chief executive officer for the city district, which the chancellor shall exercise to promote an equal educational opportunity for all students in the schools of the city district, promote fiscal and educational equity, increase student achievement and school performance and encourage local school-based innovation, including the power and duty to...


In 2005 when I found out that he didnt have a contract, I asked, "why not?"

It seems that he is the Attorney for the NYC BOE, and therefore he cannot be deposed, decisions and emails he sends out are privileged, and he takes on clients randomly and exerts the attorney client privilege. How convenient. That's why he and Mike Best, NYC BOE General Counsel, sit on the sham "school board", the Panel For Educational Policy, and they control the information given out. There are no minutes for the meetings, and no agendas posted on the NYC BOE website. This is a violation of Open Meetings Law.

In my opinion, the only person who has gotten it almost right about mayoral control is CSA President Ernest Logan (pictured below). He mentioned at a panel discussion that there should be a vote for school board members...then he changed his mind.



Mr. Logan has stated that we must return transparency and accountability to our public school system. I agree. However, I disagree with him when he says that we should continue to appoint members of the PEP. We need to have representation for everyone by voting in members of the school board/Panel For Educational Policy or whatever you want to call it. Michael Cardozo spelled the strategy out in his policy paper which I posted on my website and on this blog, and I disagree with his assessment that as so few people voted for school board members in New York City that there was justification to suspend the right to vote until July 1, 2009 (when the current form of mayoral control ends, unless there is an extension).

Total power must be accompanied by total control. So, Mayor Bloomberg and Joel Klein took away the voices of anyone who would, could, can, or did, speak out against their monopoly. Parent Councils are furious:

March 4, 2009

Via Regular Mail and E-Mail

Mr. Christopher Coates
Chief, Voting Section
Civil Rights Division
Room 7254 – NWB
Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W.
Washington, DC 20530

Re: Changes to the Process for Nomination and Selection of Members of the Community
District Education Councils in New York City

Dear Mr. Coates:

We write to you as members of, and on behalf of, Community District Education Council 26 (“CDEC26”), a public body established under New York State law as part of the New York City Department of Education (“NYC DOE”) and statutorily tasked with governing the 26th Community District which is located in Northeast Queens, New York. We write with regard to certain changes to the process for the nomination and selection of members of the Community District Education Councils in New York City which have recently been set forth by the Chancellor of the NYC DOE. These changes were made via an amendment to the Chancellor’s Regulation D-140, titled “Community Education Councils,” which was issued on, and became effective on, February 19, 2009 (A copy of the amended Regulation No. D-140 is attached to this letter).

Our greatest concern is with the changes that now mandate that the use of a website called www.powertotheparents.org. In accordance with the Chancellor’s changes, parents who wish to serve on a CDEC must now nominate themselves on this website and the selectors (those persons who actually vote for the candidates running for CDEC positions) of the CDEC members must now vote via this website. To fully explain why we feel this change in the manner of voting for CDEC members may negatively impact minority voters, we must first note that the CDEC’s are the legal successors to the old Community School Boards (“CSB’s”) in New York City. The CSB’s were in existence for several years and their members were voted for by registered voters and parents of NYC school children in elections that were run by the NYC Board of elections. These elections took place in the same polling places that were used by NYC voters for all other Federal, State and municipal elections. In 2004, New York State law eliminated the old CSB’s and replaced them with CDEC’s. Unlike the CSB’s, the members of the CDEC’s were to be selected by selectors (three PA/PTA officers from each school in the district). These selectors would vote, in person, at a meeting of the selectors to select CDEC members. It appears that NYC submitted those changes to the Justice Department and requested pre-clearance under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act (“Section 5”) on October 31, 2003 and apparently received approval for these changes from the Department of Justice.

We do not know whether NYC or the NYC DOE has submitted the Chancellor’s current changes to the Department of Justice for pre-clearance under Section 5. However, as these changes affect the entire City of New York, including Kings County, New York County and Bronx County (three counties in New York State to which Section 5 applies) and as these changes are clearly “changes in the manner of voting” and “changes in candidacy requirements and qualifications,” we believe that NYC or the NYC DOE should have submitted these changes to the Justice Department for pre-clearance under Section 5. If the changes were submitted, then we write to argue against pre-clearance, as is our right under the Voting Rights Act. If the changes have not been submitted to the Justice Department for pre-clearance under Section 5, then we write to ask the Justice Department to investigate this matter to determine whether NYC or the NYC DOE have failed to comply with their responsibilities under Section 5. Either way, we believe that the current changes, namely mandatory internet voting, has the potential to “make minority voters worse off than before” the changes. Although the “Digital Divide” appears to be closing, there still appears to be significant difference, among different racial groups, when it comes to internet access. We identified a New York Times article from 2006, titled “Digital Divide Closing as Blacks Turn to the Internet,” by Michel Marriott which indicated that the gap, although narrowing, was still significant. This article indicated that “according to a Pew national survey of people 18 and older, completed in February, 74 percent of whites go online [and only] 61 percent of African-Americans” went online.

We would further like to note that the NYC Corporation Counsel, Michael A. Cardozo, in a letter to the Department of Justice dated October 31, 2003, seeking pre-clearance for the change from CSBs to CDEC’s made a point to argue that the changes responded to “public demand,” “were supported by a powerful majority of both houses” of the NY State legislature, and were developed “on the basis of the recommendations of a multi-racial tasks force, base din turn on public hearings.” We can assure that none of these conditions exist with regard to the current changes. The Chancellor made this change on his own with out public hearing and without the involvement of the state legislature, the NYC Council, the CDEC’s or any other parent groups within NYC. The Chancellor has asserted that the changes are “based on feedback from parent leaders.” When we pressed the NYC DOE for copies of this feedback, we received e-mails from parents to the DOE from 2007 which were essentially complaints about how poorly the 2007 CDEC selection process was run. There were no public hearings on this subject and, to the best of our knowledge, the NYC DOE has not solicited input from any CDEC, PTA or any other parent groups regarding the changes, including mandatory internet voting.

In light of the foregoing, we ask that you investigate this matter, whether or not NYC has submitted the changes for pre-clearance under Section 5, and ensure that minority voting rights are not negatively impacted by the NYC DOE Chancellor’s changes to the process for the nomination and selection of members of the Community District Education Councils in New York City.

Very truly yours,
________________ ____________________
Robert Caloras Erik M. De Paula Vincent Tabone
President Chair-Law Committee

Members of CDC 26

Resolution

PROPOSED CDEC 26 JOINING IN RESOLUTION REGARDING ACTIONS OF THE
DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION


Whereas, the City School District of the City of New York and the Board of Education
of the City School District of the City of New York, both a/k/a the New York City
Department of Education (hereinafter “DOE”), are creatures of the State of New York
established and controlled by New York State Education Law (“Education Law”), Part
52-A, §§ 2590 et seq.; and
Whereas, Community District Education Councils (“CDECs”) were established by
Education Law § 2590-c, which states that “Each community district shall be governed
by a community district education council” with such powers and duties established by
Education Law § 2590-e and other relevant provisions of law; and
Whereas, the City-wide Council on Special Education (“CCSE”) was established by
Education Law § 2590-b; and
Whereas, the Citywide Council on High Schools (“CCHS”) was established by
Chancellor’s Regulation D-160; and
Whereas, the aforementioned CDECs, CCSE, and CCHS (collectively, “CECs”)
together constitute an important elected parent voice regarding DOE policies as well as
possessing specific powers and duties under multiple provisions of law; and
Whereas, the Mayor of the City of New York, the Chancellor of the DOE, and their
subordinate agencies and offices have regularly and illegally disregarded and
manipulated the mandated role of CDECs to be notified, consulted, and included in
DOE decision-making,
Whereas, more specifically, the DOE is in breach of the mandate that CDEC's
be consulted before new schools are sited, opened, and closed in our districts,
as stated in New York State Education Law § 2590-h.
Whereas, the DOE is in breach of the mandate that CDEC's must approve any
rezonings occur in the district, as stated in New York State Education Law §
2590-e, including eliminating a zoned school from a neighborhood altogether;
Whereas, the "straw vote" recently imposed by the Chancellor into the legal process
for electing Members to the CDECs is lacking in transparency, impossible to validate,
undemocratic, and an expensive waste of time;
Whereas, the banning of School leadership Team members from being eligible
to serve on their CDECs is undemocratic, unacceptable, and would greatly
diminish parental involvement at the school and district level;
Whereas ,CDECs recognize that the DOE is in non-compliance with its responsibility to
serve the needs of special Education students, as mandated by state and Federal law,
and extremely negligent in its duties to this large and vulnerable population;
RESOLVED, that CDEC 26 denounces the Mayor’s and Chancellor’s disregard for our
legally constituted authority on behalf of New York City’s over one million public school students, and
That DOE must consult with CDEC's before new schools are sited, opened, and closed
in our districts, as stated in Education Law § 2590-h; and .
That the DOE immediately cease its unilateral actions to eliminate zoned
schools from neighborhoods, unless and until the district CDEC approves of
these decisions;
That as previously, all School leadership Team members be recognized as
eligible to serve as CDEC members;
That the DOE appoint a visible supervisor with the authority and responsibility to
maintain services for special education students and their families, to direct
these families to the proper advocates, to communicate with principals, and to
ensure that all facilities have the appropriate classrooms and support for these
students;
That the DOE restores district superintendents to their proper and legally
mandated role, and ensures that they spend the majority of their time within the
district, offering support and supervision to the district’s schools and help to
parents when their children are being denied adequate education and/or
services.

Community District Education Council 26
New York City Department of Education
Address: 61-15 Oceania Street, Bayside, NY 11364 Phone: (718) 631-6927 Fax: (718) 631-1347 E-mail: CEC26@schools.nyc.gov.
Robert Caloras Jeannette Segal Irene Fennell Marie Pollicino Erik DePaula
President of the Council First Vice President Second Vice President Recording Secretary Treasurer
Council Members: J Anita Saunders h Chin
Irene Cheung-Borough Appointee Community Superintendent
Dave Kerpen District 26
Patrick McShane
Dina Quondamatteo
Vincent Tabone
February 12, 2009

Dear Assemblyman Lancman:
It is very important that parents, staff and the community receive notice and instructions in the event
of an emergency in our public schools. Notification systems can help ensure the safety of our students
and school personnel and inform parents and other members of the community about emergency situations at schools and allow them to prepare accordingly. Almost every SUNY and CUNY campus has or is implementing an emergency alert notification system. New York State's NY-Alert program has over one million enrollees and New York City is already conducting a pilot community alert system.
Implementing a program like this in New York City public schools would be fairly easy insofar as New York City has the potential to plug into the existing NY-Alert system run by the New York State Emergency Management office.

CDEC 26 STRONGLY SUPPORTS THIS LEGISLATION AND ENCOURAGES SWIFT ACTION
BY THE LEGISLATURE TO ADOPT THIS BILL THIS YEAR.
Sincerely,
Robert Caloras

President, CDEC

The New York Times reports:

March 6, 2009
Controlling Interests
Taking Sides on New York’s School Chancellor

By ELISSA GOOTMAN, NY TIMES



Whether Albany extends the landmark law that handed New York City’s mayor control of its public schools may depend less on theoretical questions — or even on the Bloomberg administration’s education record — than on how Chancellor Joel I. Klein has wielded the unprecedented power.

In some circles, Mr. Klein is revered: as a star prosecutor turned crusader for the underclass, a fearless innovator willing to take on the powerful teachers’ union. Australia’s education minister flew him in for six days in November, and Arne Duncan swept into Brooklyn on one of his first school visits as education secretary, calling him “someone I’ve learned a tremendous amount from.”

But among some of the state lawmakers who will determine the fate of the nation’s largest school system, Mr. Klein is reviled: as an arrogant outsider obsessed with accountability, a tone-deaf suit unwilling to consider parents’ views in what one politician called “a silencing of the lambs.” A recent Assembly Education Committee hearing was punctuated by pointed refrains about his priorities and management style.

After distancing himself from city and state lawmakers for more than six years, Mr. Klein, 62, has lately embarked on something of a charm offensive, phoning the committee members who grilled him to suggest meeting one on one. But soon after those phone calls, when parents got scant notice of a public hearing over a plan to replace a traditional Harlem public school with a charter school, Assemblyman Daniel J. O’Donnell fired off a letter to the chancellor calling such efforts “bogus.”

“I’ve had more interaction with the fire commissioner and with the parks commissioner than I do with the chancellor of education — and the parks commissioner doesn’t need me to vote on anything,” Mr. O’Donnell, a Democrat from Morningside Heights, said in an interview. “He can put on a good show, he can be jovial, he can make a joke on a cellphone message. And the minute he hangs up the other side comes out. He goes back to his Machiavellian way of making decisions totally absent of community involvement.”

Sweeping Changes

The mayoral control law, enacted in 2002 as part of a national push to streamline authority over urban schools, expires in June. Education policymakers across the country are watching the debate over its renewal, which is considered likely, albeit with adjustments designed to rein in the chancellor and his patron, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg.

Their takeover has brought sweeping change to a system long viewed as failing its neediest students, and Mr. Klein, a former Justice Department official, deserves credit for channeling enormous resources to lift achievement where it had lagged most.

He dismantled the community district offices he derided as bastions of patronage. He overhauled admissions to gifted classes, high schools and prekindergarten while creating more than 300 new small schools and charter schools for parents to choose from. He recruited and trained a new corps of young principals, largely freeing them from daily supervision but branding their schools A through F in annual report cards. And he transformed New York into a national model for data-driven experiments, including cash incentives for academic progress.

But while state test scores and graduation rates have climbed during his tenure, national tests show eighth graders making no significant progress. Fewer than a third of black and Hispanic high school students earned the more respected Regents diplomas in 2007.

In some cases, Mr. Klein’s commitment to the principle of equality has managed to anger key stakeholders without getting the desired result. Gifted admission is now standardized across the city, for example, but fewer minority children and students from poor districts are in the programs.

“In his passion to focus on correcting the inequities in the system, he has antagonized people who feel they are making a positive contribution,” said Kathryn S. Wylde, president of the Partnership for New York City, a business group that supports mayoral control. “When somebody becomes a zealot, it has its pluses and minuses. I think it causes him to be impatient and combative, in ways that clearly have been hard for others in the system.”

Mayor Bloomberg has indicated nothing but support for Mr. Klein, declaring at a recent school event, “Maybe the best thing I ever did was pick the best chancellor any school system has ever had.”

Yet it is nearly impossible to have a conversation about mayoral control without hearing speculation that Randi Weingarten, president of the United Federation of Teachers, is pressing for the chancellor’s departure as a condition of renewing it.

Ms. Weingarten, whose clout in Albany makes her opinion among the more influential, said presenting such an ultimatum is “just not my style.” But she said she deemed the chancellor “untrustworthy” early in his tenure, when he gave a speech railing against the union contract while she was out of town.

“It’s not a matter of people liking or disliking him; it’s a matter of does he listen, does he respect, does he respond in a way, is there a give and take,” she said. “He’s a great litigator, he’s probably the smartest person I’ve met. But his view is it’s my way or the highway.”

Defending a Record

The chancellor himself, in an hourlong interview, said he hoped to stay on and, regardless, would continue his crusade through the Education Equality Project, an initiative he started last year with the Rev. Al Sharpton that seeks to build support nationwide for policy changes often at odds with unions. He acknowledged having underestimated the resistance he would face in changing longstanding practices but expressed confidence that he has the quiet support of many parents who are not part of organized groups.

“I’m comfortable with the record we’ve established, with the results we’ve gotten and the progress we have made,” he said, adding in a second conversation that “there is no daylight” between him and the mayor on education policies.

“It’s always easier to personalize, demonize — and that happens, but I don’t think it’s about me,” Mr. Klein continued. “Don’t underestimate the fact that these are often policy issues — that when it comes to people’s own children, they may sometimes want things that aren’t necessarily equitable.”

It is no oversight that Mr. Klein has neglected to engage state lawmakers and organized advocates; to him, a critical aspect of mayoral control was to stop the pandering to the privileged and powerful. In some ways, his late-hour public-relations push with Albany mirrors Mr. Bloomberg’s recent quest to court party leaders in pursuit of a ballot line: both have frayed relations through years of disdaining routine politicking as beneath them.

The chancellor frames his $250,000-a-year job as a civil rights mission and is quick to divide the world into those who get it — “it” being his approach to what is needed to fix urban schools — and those who, as he often says, “just don’t get it.”

But detractors say Mr. Klein is missing a fundamental truth: that a key element of New York’s past school success has been keeping middle-class families satisfied with the schools in their midst. He is roundly criticized for seeming to value law degrees over teaching experience when selecting his top deputies.

Mr. Klein speaks passionately at black churches and charter-school events, but often appears bored at public meetings of the Panel for Educational Policy, passing time on his BlackBerry. (A rapid e-mail responder, Mr. Klein is also a recovering BrickBreaker addict who says he once scored “probably close to 5 million, which probably put me at number four or five in the world.”)

Patrick J. Sullivan, the Manhattan borough president’s appointee to the panel, described the chancellor in an interview as “very sincere” but said he too often presumes that parents are “trying to game the system.”

“The chancellor doesn’t have children in the schools, the mayor doesn’t have children in the schools, and the mayor’s supporters don’t have their children in the schools,” he said (Mr. Klein’s grown daughter attended private schools). “So you’re going to face criticism when you’re out of touch with the reality of those of us who do have children in the schools.”

Assemblyman Mark S. Weprin — father of two children in public school — recalled parents, early on, being impressed as Mr. Klein described growing up in a Queens housing project. But, he said: “Once the game started and once parents were engaged in their kids’ education, they weren’t ready for any glibness. They no longer cared that the chancellor went to public school.”

Friends and fans, however, count Mr. Klein’s steadfastness and willingness to maintain unpopular positions among his key assets.

Eva S. Moskowitz, a former city councilwoman who now champions one of Mr. Klein’s favorite causes by running four Harlem charter schools said the chancellor has “gotten a bad rap” from parents because “he’s not the Bill Clinton, feeling your pain.”

“The guy thinks about this at 1 in the morning, and I know because I think about it and I e-mail him and he’s up,” she said. “Most of us would be delighted to hire someone who is that obsessed with student outcomes.”

Devoted to Details

The actor Alan Alda, with whom Mr. Klein sometimes scours the city for undiscovered pizza parlors, described him as “so deeply committed to what he is doing that I think if he doesn’t get to do this, I don’t know what he’d do next.”

“Food is fundamental, learning is fundamental and poverty is fundamental,” said Mr. Alda, who befriended Mr. Klein at a dinner party several years ago. “He is really devoted to things that matter, but when he’s devoted to anything, even something as trivial as pizza, he dives into it.”

Charlie King, the acting national director of Mr. Sharpton’s National Action Network, says the chancellor is doubly misunderstood.

“There’s the version on the cocktail circuit of this crusading guy swooping down from above, and he’s going to save these poor public school children and keep fighting that fight, Sir Knight Joel Klein,” he said. “And on the other side you have people thinking he’s this cold, heartless, coming from the right side of the tracks sort of arrogant guy who could care less. And I think neither of those stereotypes are correct.”

The unlikely partnership with Mr. Sharpton, who early on criticized Mr. Bloomberg’s selection of Mr. Klein and has protested some of his policies, has helped the chancellor raise his national profile.

His name was frequently floated as a possible secretary of education in the Obama administration. Tom Boasberg, the new Denver superintendent, sought his counsel over a recent breakfast at the Regency Hotel. He received a standing ovation last month at a Yale School of Management conference, where one student declared from the dais, “We’re all a little star-struck right now.”

And if Mr. Klein has until recently kept his distance from Albany, he checks in several times a week with Michelle Rhee, the new chief of the Washington, D.C., schools. Ms. Rhee said Mr. Klein is “very supportive but doesn’t try to act like he knows everything.”

“He was saying sometimes you’ve got to lead from the front because if you’re too worried about trying to make everybody happy or get every last detail, then you’ll get bogged down and nothing will actually move,” she said. “He said sometimes a leader can see things that other people can’t see, and has to push things that they know are the right things to push, and it takes other folks a little longer to get there.”
Javier C. Hernandez and Jennifer Medina contributed reporting.